:

that they are a newer or a younger people than the people of the old world and it is much more likely, that the destruction that hath heretofore been there, was not by earthquakes (as the Egyptian priest told Solon, concerning the island of Atlantis, that it was swallowed by an earthquake) but rather, that it was desolated by a particular deluge; for earthquakes are seldom in those parts: but, on the other side, they have such pouring rivers, as the rivers of Asia, and Africa, and Europe, are but brooks to them. Their Andes likewise, or mountains are far higher than those with us; whereby it seems that the remnants of generation of men were in such a particular deluge saved. As for the observation that Machiavel hath, that the jealousy of sects doth much extinguish the memory of things; traducing Gregory the Great, that he did what in him lay to extinguish all heathen antiquities; I do not find that those zeals do any great effects nor last long; as it appeared in the succession of Sabinian, who did revive the former antiquities.

The vicissitude or mutations in the superior globe are no fit matter for this present argument. It may be, Plato's great year, if the world should last so long, would have some effect, not in renewing the state of like individuals (for that is the fume of those, that conceive the celestial bodies have more accurate influences upon these things below than indeed they have), but in gross. Comets, out of the question, have likewise power and effect over the gross and mass of things: but they are rather gazed upon, and waited upon in their journey, than wisely observed in their effects; specially in their respective effects : that is what kind of comet, for magnitude, colour, version of the beams, placing in the region of heaven, or lasting, produceth what kind of effects.

There is a toy, which I have heard, and I would not have it given over, but waited upon a little. They say it is observed in the Low Countries, I know not in what part, that every five-and-thirty years, the same kind and sute of years and weathers comes about again : as great frost, great wet, warm winters, summers with little heat, and the like; and they call it the prime. It is a thing I do the rather mention, because computing backwards, I have found some concurrence.

But to leave these points of nature, and to come to men. The greatest vicissitudes of things amongst men is the vicissitude of sects and religions, for those orbs rule in men's minds most. The true religion is built upon the rock: the rest are tossed upon the waves of time. To speak therefore of the causes of new sects, and to give some counsel concerning them, as far as the weakness of human judgment can give stay to so great revolutions.

When the religion formerly received is rent by discords; and when the holiness of the professors of religion is decayed and full of scandal: and withal the times be stupid, ignorant, and barbarous, you may doubt the springing up of a new sect; if then also there should arise any extravagant and strange spirit to make himself author thereof: all which points held when Mahomet published his law. If a new sect have not two properties, fear it not, for it will not spread. The one is

the supplanting, or the opposing of authority established, for nothing is more popular than that. The other is the giving licence to pleasures and a voluptuous life. For as for speculative heresies, such as were in ancient times the Arians, and now the Arminians, though they work mightily upon men's wits, yet they do not produce any great alterations in states, except it be by the help of civil occasions. There be three manner of plantations of new sects: by the power of signs and miracles; by the eloquence and wisdom of speech and persuasion; and by the sword. For martyrdoms, I reckon them amongst miracles, because they seem to exceed the strength of human nature; and ĺ may do the like of superlative and admirable holiness of life. Surely there is no better way to stop the rising of new sects and schisms, than to reform abuses; to compound the smaller differences: to proceed mildly, and not with sanguinary persecutions; and rather to take off the principal authors, by winning and advancing them, than to enrage them by violence and bitterness.

The changes and vicissitudes in wars are many, but chiefly in three things in the scats or stages of the war; in the weapons; and in the manner of the conduct. Wars, in ancient time, seemed more to move from East to West: for the Persians, Assyrians, Arabians, Tartars, which were the invaders, were all eastern people. It is true, the Gauls were western; but we read but of two incursions of theirs, the one to Gallo-Græcia, the other to Rome. But east and west have no certain points of heaven; and no more have the wars, either from the east or west, any certainty of observation: But north and south are fixed; and it hath seldom or never been seen, that the far southern people have invaded the northern, but contrariwise; whereby it is manifest, that the northern tract of the world is in nature the more martial region, be it in respect of the stars of that hemisphere, or of the great continents that are upon the north; whereas the south part, for ought that is known, is almost all sea; or (which is most apparent) of the cold of the northern parts; which is that which, without aid of discipline, doth make the bodies hardest, and the courages warmest.

Upon the breaking and shivering of a great state and empire, you may be sure to have wars. For great empires, while they stand, do enervate and destroy the forces of the natives which they have subdued, resting upon their own protecting forces: and then when they fail also, all goes to ruin, and they become a prey. So was it in the decay of the Roman empire, and likewise in the empire of Almaigne, after Charles the Great, every bird taking a feather; and were not unlike to befal to Spain, if it should break. The great accessions and unions of kingdoms do likewise stir up wars. For when a state grows to an over-power, it is like a great flood, that will be sure to overflow. As it hath been seen in the states of Rome, Turkey, Spain, and others. Look, when the world hath fewest barbarous people, but such as commonly will not marry or generate, except they know means to live, as it is almost everywhere at this day, except Tartary, there is no danger of inundations of people: but when there be great shoals of people, which go on to populate, without foreseeing means of life and sustenta

tion, it is of necessity that once in an age or two they discharge a portion of their people upon other nations; which the ancient northern people were wont to do by lot, casting lots what part should stay at home, and what should seek their fortunes. When a warlike state grows soft and effeminate, they may be sure of a war. For commonly such states are grown rich in the time of their degenerating ; and so the prey inviteth, and their decay in valour encourageth a

war.

As for the weapons, it hardly falleth under rule and observation : yet we see, even they have returns and vicissitudes. For certain it is, that ordnance was known in the city of the Oxidraces in India, and was that which the Macedonians called thunder and lightning, and magic. And it is well known that the use of ordnance have been in China above two thousand years. The condition of weapons, and their improvement, are, first, the fetching afar off, for that outruns the danger, as it is seen in ordnance and muskets. Secondly, the strength of the percussion, wherein likewise ordnance do exceed all arietations and ancient inventions. The third is, the commodious use of them, as that they may serve in all weathers, that the carriage may be light and manageable, and the like.

For the conduct of the war: at the first, men rested extremely upon number: they did put the wars likewise upon main force and valour, pointing days for pitched fields, and so trying it out upon an even match and they were more ignorant in arranging and arraying their battles. After, they grew to rest upon numbers rather competent than vast; they grew to advantages of place, cunning diversions, and the like: and they grew more skilful in the ordering of their battles.

In the youth of a state, arms do flourish; in the middle age of a state, learning; and then both of them together for a time in the declining age of a state, mechanical arts and merchandise. Learning hath its infancy, when it is but beginning and almost childish: then its youth, when it is luxuriant and juvenile: then its strength of years, when it is solid and reduced and lastly, its old age, when it waxeth dry and exhaust. But it is not good to look too long upon these turning wheels of vicissitude, lest we become giddy. As for the philology of them, that is but a circle of tales, and therefore not fit for this writing.

OF A KING.

1. A king is a mortal god on earth, unto whom the living God hath lent his own name as a great honour: but withal told him, he should die like a man, lest he should be proud and flatter himself, that God hath with his name imparted unto him his nature also.

2. Of all kind of men, God is the least beholden unto them; for he doth most for them, and they do ordinarily least for him.

3. A king that would not feel his crown too heavy for him, must wear it every day; but if he think it too light, he knoweth not of what metal it is made.

4. He must make religion the rule of government, and not to balance the scale: for he that casteth in religion only to make the scales even, his own weight is contained in those characters, " Mene, mene, tekel, upharsin,' ”“He is found too light, his kingdom shall be taken from him."

5. And that king that holds not religion the best reason of state is void of all piety and justice, the supporters of a king.

6. He must be able to give counsel himself, but not rely thereupon; for though happy events justify their counsels, yet it is better that the evil event of good advice be rather imputed to a subject than a sovereign.

7. He is the fountain of honour, which should not run with a waste pipe, lest the courtiers sell the water, and then, as papists say of their holy wells, it loses the virtue.

8. He is the life of the law, not only as he is lex loquens himself, but because he animateth the dead letter, making it active towards all his subjects præmio et pæna.

9. A wise king must do less in altering his laws than he may; for new government is ever dangerous. It being true in the body politic, as in the corporal, that " omnis subita immutatio est periculosa;" and though it be for the better, yet it is not without a fearful apprehension ; for he that changeth the fundamental laws of a kingdom, thinketh there is no good title to a crown, but by conquest.

10. A king that setteth to sale seats of justice, oppresseth the people for he teacheth his judges to sell justice; and “pretio parata pretio venditur justitia."

11. Bounty and magnificence are virtues very regal, but a prodigal king is nearer a tyrant than a parsimonious; for store at home draweth not his contemplations abroad: but want supplieth itself of what is next, and many times the next way: a king herein must be wise, and know what he may justly do.

12. That king which is not feared, is not loved; and he that is well seen in his craft, must as well study to be feared as loved; yet not loved for fear, but feared for love.

13. Therefore, as he must always resemble Him whose great name he beareth, and that as in manifesting the sweet influence of his mercy on the severe stroke of his justice sometimes, so in this not to suffer a man of death to live; for besides that the land doth mourn, the restraint of justice towards sin doth more retard the affection of love, than the extent of mercy doth inflame it : and sure where love is [ill] bestowed, fear is quite lost.

14. His greatest enemies are his flatterers; for though they ever speak on his side, yet their words still make against him.

15. The love which a king oweth to a weal public, should not be restrained to any one particular; yet that his more special favour do reflect upon some worthy ones, is somewhat necessary, because there are few of that capacity.

16. He must have a special care of five things, if he would not have his crown to be but to him infelix felicitas.

First, that simulata sanctitas be not in the Church; for that is duplex iniquitas.

Secondly, that inutilis æquitas sit not in the chancery; for that is inepta misericordia.

Thirdly, that utilis iniquitas keep not the exchequer; for that is crudele latrocinium.

Fourthly, that fidelis temeritas be not his general; for that will bring but seram pœnitentiam.

Fifthly, that infidelis prudentia be not his secretary; for that is anguis sub viridi herba.

To conclude; as he is of the greatest power, so he is subject to the greatest cares, made the servant of his people, or else he were without a calling at all.

He then that honoureth him not is next an atheist, wanting the fear of God in his heart.

A FRAGMENT OF AN ESSAY ON FAME.

The poets make Fame a monster. They describe her in part finely and elegantly; and in part gravely and sententiously. They say: Look, how many feathers she hath, so many eyes she hath underneath; so many tongues; so many voices; she pricks up so many

ears.

This is a flourish there follow excellent parables: as, that she gathereth strength in going; that she goeth upon the ground, and yet hideth her head in the clouds: that in the day-time she sitteth in a watch tower, and flieth most by night that she mingleth things done with things not done; and that she is a terror to great cities. But that which passeth all the rest is, they do recount that the Earth, mother of the giants, that made war against Jupiter, and were by him destroyed, thereupon in an anger brought forth Fame; for certain it is that rebels, figured by the giants, and seditious fames and libels, are but brothers and sisters; masculine and feminine. But now if a man can tame this monster, and bring her to feed at the hand, and govern her, and with her fly other ravening fowl, and kill them, it is somewhat worth. But we are infected with the stile of the poets. To speak now in a sad and a serious manner; there is not in all the politics a place less handled, and more worthy to be handled, than this of fame. We will therefore speak of these points: what are false fames; and what are true fames; and how they may be best discerned; how fames may be sown and raised; how they may be spread and multiplied; and how they may be checked and laid dead. And other things concerning the nature of fame. Fame is of that force, as there is scarcely any great action wherein it hath not a great part, especially in the war. Mucianus undid Vitellius, by a fame that he scattered, that Vitellius had in purpose to remove the legions of Syria into Germany, and the legions of Germany into Syria; whereupon the legions of Syria were infinitely inflamed. Julius Cæsar took Pompey unprovided, and laid asleep his industry and preparations, by a