nist. This looks well. It is a rational is he to be eut off? He is only about 50 ground for hoping that we shall hear of miles to the north of the Danube, and, to something more. But, here seems to be the the south of the Danube, westward from utmost extent of the advantage; for, as to Hungary, there is not one inch of territory, having beuten the French, there is, all the upon the Continent of Europe, of which he intelligence fairly considered, not the least is not the master. If I were to hear that he appearance of it, the French army, accord- had recoiled as far as Vienna I should be very ing to this last bulletin of our government, much, and, indeed, very agreeably surprised; being posted precisely where it was previous but, I should not thence derive much hope to the battle of the 2d. Not an inch have of his final failure. He inust stop somewhere. they retreated; and, I must rear of some It is ridiculously unreasonable not to allow thing much more resembling a victory over him to be victorious until he has hunted the them, before I shall expect to hear, that they enemy quite out of the world; and, if it have made one step towards Vienna. Sup- would be a disgrace to him to fall back upon pose, however, that Napoleon were to be Vienna; what, at this time, must be the recompelled to retreat? Must we, therefore,putation of his enemies! They fell back upón conclude, that he is ruined? How would Vienna; and they quitted it much more reathis reasoning suit, if applied to his enemies?dily than, I fear, he will. At Vienna he They, God knows, have retreated far enough in all conscience; and, yet, we are told, that their affairs are in a very promising way. Aye; but, they have been retreating in their own territory. So, then, Napole n has only to get them to follow him into France, and through Paris, in order completely to annihilate them!--Away with all the nonsense about his being hemmed in and cut off! Who are to hem him in? The "three great armes" we are told; to wit; the Austro Russian army, the Prussian army, and the army of the Archduke Charles. As to the Prussian army, if it has really marched, there is ATCERAU ready to meet it in Suabia or Bavaria, or to follow it into Bohemia if it marches towards Napoleon's position. Augeran has 60,000 men, and his army, from its nearness to France, is easily augmented. The Archduke! Where is he? The last we heard of him was in Croatia, more than 200 miles from the scene of action between Napoleon and his antagonists. He was then fying before MASSENA; and, if the Archduke has, as is reported, 90,000 men, how many must his pursuer have?" The Archduke will come upon the back of Buonaparté through Vienna!" Through Vienna! They are mad. These writers are inad. Massena, the pursuer of the Archduke, was, when we last heard of him, between the Archduke and Vienna! There too was Marmont with his division. Cut off!" Why Buonaparte had, in the army of Massena and in the divisions of Marmont and Ney, a hundred thousand men within seven days,march of the spot where the last battle was fought, and he was complete master, nay, the civil ruler, of all the country between him and them. By what or by whom " would, indeed, see 500 miles distance between him and France; but, he would; in the whole 500 miles, see not a single bostile fortress or battalion in his way.The ferocious gentleman of the COURIER must ekcuse me; for, this is really the light in which I see the situation of Buonaparte. 1 see him with 300,600 soldiers; real soldiers; not upon paper, like my Lord Castlereagh's army, but in the field; actually fighting or marching; and, I do not see that bis enemies, all put together, have so many. We hear talk of them before the battles, indeed; but we do not see them in the battles. There were, we were told, ihreeRusk Lirmies actually on their march, amounting altogether to 180,000 men. ~Two of them have joined and fought Napoleon on the 21 of December; and now, behold, they tel us, that the whole of the allied army, Austrians and Russians together, amounted, at the beginning of the battle, to no more than 70,000 men! This is a most striking instance of the means by which the people I ave been deluded. Buonaparté, however roguish he may be in other respects, is no cheat upan matters of this sort. He gives the full number: his battalions are no skeletons: he tells us out a good honest thirteen to the dozen; and all whole ones too-He may be driven back, without having taken another slite from the dominions of the House of Austria, especially as it now appears, that there is treaty formed between the three other great powers for the purpose of checking his ambition; this may be the result; many persons, and those not ill-informed, think it will; and I am sorry to say, that Framhet see any grounds whereon to adopt their opinion. Printed by Cox and Baylis, No.75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall-Mail, VOL. VIII. No. 26.] LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 28, 1805. [PRYCE 10D. 993] "And thus, polluting honour in its source, "Gives wealth to sway the mind with double force."--GOLDSMITH, SUMMARY OF POLITICS. LLOYD'S FUND. (continued from page gog). When I dismissed this subject, in the page here referred to, though I was not vain enough to expect that any endeavours of mine would put a stop to the daring encroachments, making by the underwriters and jobbers in the city, upon the powers of the crown, I was not without some hope of awakening the sensible and truly patriotic part of the people to a sense of the danger naturally to be apprehended, as the final, and no very distant, consequences of those encroachments; and, if my observation, together with the information I have received, are not very deceiving, I may flatter myself, that this hope was not entirely groundless. Many persons, who had not before bestowed a thought upon the matter, now appear to think it worthy of serious attention; many, who, without due reflection, had contributed towards the fund, now seem fully aware of their indiscretion; and, I am particularly glad to perceive, that, amongst those who will have the power of checking the progress of this daring innovation, there exists a strong inclination to do their duty. In this state of the public mind, or, at least, of the mind of the thinking part of the pub lic, I am encouraged to offer some few further remarks upon the subject, first giving a more particular account than I hitherto have done of the rise and progress of the institution at Lloyd's.But, previously to entering upon this part of the subject, it is necessary to add some facts to those already recorded in page 904 and the following ones, in illustration of the sort of freedom, which people have, upon the recent occasion, been left to exercise. In answer to every complaint against thus raising money upon the people for the purpose of giving power to the fund-dealers, we are always told, that it is a perfectly voluntary act. We are told, that it is money, not forced from the people, but freely given by them; and, that, therefore, no one has any right to complain. It has been shown, that, supposing the premises to be true, the conclusion would not be legitimate; for, that, however freely the people `may give their money, the receivers of it [994 may be guilty of an unlawful act in the receipt; but, I deny the premises; I contend, that, for the far greater part, the money has been, in fact, extorted from the people, who have acted under a feeling of intimidation, and who, had they been left entirely to the influence of their own wishes, would not have given their money. If the invitation to give had been conveyed merely through an advertisement in the newspapers, or in hand-bills, and if no lists of the subscribers had been published, there might have been some reason for contending that the act of subscribing was voluntary; but, instead of proceeding in this way, the fund-dealers at Lloyd's, well aware that their appeal would be nearly fruitless, unless it were made to the vanity, the fear, or some other of the despicable passions, intimated, at a very early period of their proceedings, that lists should be published of all the separate donations, together with the donors' names and places of abode, by which intimation they obtained sums of money from all those contemptible mortals, who could feel a gratification from seeing, and from showing to their neigh bours, their own dear names in printed characters. Hence the frequent recurrence of the name of the father, the mother, and a long tribe of children, recorded upon the list of patriots, while, very likely, they were sitting at home in mid-day darkness for the sake of diminishing their window-tax, and while, as likely, the father was drinking smuggled brandy and the mother smuggled tea. In this part of the scheme there was, too, a trap for the fears as well as the vanity of the people, particularly of dependent people; for, as the lists were to be published finally (as they have been) in alphabetical order, it was evident, that any one would be able to see not only who, amongst his neighbours, had subscribed, but also who had not subscribed, and, in case of a subscription, he would be able to ascertain the amount, and to compare it with the means of the subscribers as well as with the amount of the subscriptions of others.The inti mation that the lists would be published, and the real publication of them which soon be gan to make its appearance, were, however, found to be insufficient for the purpose of rendering the contribution very extensive, It was, therefore, resolved on to address let ters to the magistrates, the clergy, and the parish officers, requesting them to use "all their influence" in furthering the views of the Committee at Lloyd's; and, that that request might, at reaching these persons, wear an imposing aspect, the circular letters were conveyed under the frank of the Secretary to the General Post Office; and, I think, the reader will agree with me, that nine-tenths of the persons receiving these letters, would, froin this circumstance, conclude that the request was made to them with the express approbation, if not by the order, of the ministry, especially as the names of many of the then ministers stood very forward upon the subscription list. I shall not stop here to inquire what authority Mr. Freeling had to frank these letters, his power of franking having been given him solely for the parposes connected with the duties of his office; but, if he had due power thus to act, in this case, I see no right that he has to refuse his signature to cover circular letters for any "other self-created society, or club, who may wish to obtain money by similar means. When the magistrates and clergy and parish officers came to employ (as in many cases they did) all their influence, in order to induce the people living under them to give their money to the fund-dealers at Lloyd's, it was not surprising to see the publicans, the smugglers, the and so forth, any mo "ness that the good shepherds" at papers that they had done so, stating, as the drawing forth their dirty shillings. There was no force: oh, no! Not for the world! Nor is a man, though led to church in a halter, forced to marry; and, we may be assured, that the subscribing of all the depen-thought it necessary to advertise in the newsdents upon government and the dependents upon the magistrates, was an act full as voluntary.Rowland Hill, at his famous round-house at the foot of Black Friar's Bridge, told his audience to recollect, that if any of them happened not to have ney about them, they would find, in the vestry, pen, ink, and paper for the purpose of drawing drafts upon their bankers! This was doing business in a plain way; and was highly laudable in comparison with the sneaking hypocrisy of those petty traders of the pulpit, who affected to trust to the force of their ghostly exhortations and to leave conscience to work its way. Rowland knew his audience, and knowing them, he warned them against budging an inch, until they had deposited a pledge of their patriotism. 1e called upon his flock, we are told, to open freely their bags, to let flow, withent restraint, the milk of human kind 66 good by stealth?". I doubt it. I feat very much, that R. N.'s name, at full length, will, one of these days, be, through the means of some treacherous friend, commu nicated to the public, as will also that of the widow, who gave her mite at Rowland's. I, however, thus put in, before hand, my pro test against all treachery of this sort. To betray such generous, such piously, such evangelically charitable persons; to make them, after all the pains they have taken to disguise their virtue,"blush to find it fame,” would be cruel to the last degree, - Lotni hope, therefore, that they have taken effec tual means to prevent their names from reaching the public; for, if they have not, they must expect to be treated as the most finished hypocrites even of this canting generation. Fore-warned fore-armed: let them take care, or prepare themselves for the con sequences; for, as far as I am able to prevent it, I never will see the world thus tricked out of its applause.There are two particular instances more of the freedom, with which people have been suffered to act upon this occasion, that are worthy of being recorded. The first is exhibited in a regimental order, issued by CoL. Robertson, who is an inspector of recruits for the regular army, and also Colonel, I believe, of a volunteer corps. The document of which I am speaking is in the following letters and words: R. W. R. V. Friday, Dec. 6, 1805. "R. O." [which two last letters stand for Regimental Orders]" Colonel Robertson "takes leave to offer his sincere thanks to "the members of the regiment, who at*tended divine service at Westminster Ab by, for their liberal contribution to the "patriotic fund at Lloyd's, and, being willing that those who were absent may have it in their power to add to what has been "already received, the officers and serjeants "will oblige the commanding officer, by delivering the orders themselves to such "members only. They are requested to do this as soon as possible that the absent members may be applied to, and their "collection made on or before Thursday 66 next the 12th inst. when all the officers and serjeants (including those who were " out on the 5th) are desired to meet Col. "Robertson, at the armoury, at seven "o'clock, on that evening, to make their -This report, and pay the money to the secretary, "who will likewise receive the subscriptions "of those members who have not had an opportunity of seeing the officers belonging to their respective companies."order of Colonel Robertson is a pretty good specimen of what has been practised amongst the greater part of the volunteer corps in and about London. It is also quite characteristic of the whole of the means that have been employed to get money out of the pockets of the people. The members of "the regiment" [not the men, observe, nor the soldiers, but the members; just in the style of the clubs] are not positively commanded to deliver; but, the commanding officer strongly presses them to do so and, it must be confessed, that he gives them an abundance of opportunities for asting agreeably to his wishes. First he leads them to church to have their hearts opened by the eloquence of the pulpit; but, a number of the members having, from unavoidable causes, no doubt, been absent, and having, apparently, forgotten to send their subscriptions, the Colonel detaches his officers and serjeants to make to each of them a domiciliary visit; and, lest some of them should happen to be from home, he desires the whole corps to meet him some days afterwards, when the reports of the officers and serjeants are to be received, and when the members, who have missed all the former opportunities, are to see that the box is still open to receive their donations. Yet, it is all voluntary! No member is forced to give his money; but, if he does not give it, what follows? Certainly not the approbation of the commanding officer, who has already given his thanks to those who have given their money. But, is it not useless to dwell upon this? Must it not be evident to every person of common. discernment, that there is nothing voluntary here any more than there was in the "Dons patriotiques" at Paris The other instance that I have to record is of a nature much more objectionable, especially when we consider the situation in life of the person who makes the principle figure in it. I here allude to a printed hand bill, published at Croydon in Surrey, and signed by the VICAR of that parish, the REV DOCTOR IRELAND. It is dated at Croydon, on the 5th of December, 1805. "NATIONAL GRATITUDE. This "day, being the day of general thanksgiv ing to Almighty God" [I beg to be understood as merely transcribing the words of others]" for the late signal and important "naval victories, the benevolent plan, re"commended to the country at large by the "Committee of the Patriotic Fund in Lon"don has been acted upon in this place. A "collection (1581.) has been made at the "church for the relief of the families of the "brave men who have fallen in the late ac"tions, and for the support and comfort of "the wounded; and it is announced with "satisfaction, that the amount is such as to "do honour to the feelings of those who "attended divine service. But many must "have been unavoidably absent, or may "not have had the opportunity of sending "their offerings; and there can be no doubt "that ALL TRUE LOVERS OF THEIR "COUNTRY AND ITS CAUSE, will "desire to contribute to this great national "object. In order therefore to accommo " date the benevolent wishes of the parish at "large, subseription books will remain open during one month from the present date, and dotiations from those who have not already contributed will be thankfully re*ceived by the tollowing persons." [Here follow the names and places of abode of the VICAR and his CURATE, two Churchwardens, and four Overseers.] "At the end. "of the time prescribed, the whole amount will be conveyed to the General Fund in London, and entered on the books, as "the patriotic offering of the parish of "Croydon.The particular passage of this hand-bill to which I am desirous of directing the reader's attention, as being most strikingly illustrative of that perfect seedom, with which people have, upon this occasion, been left to act, is that wherein is clearly implied the charge, against all non-contributors, of not being lovers of their country and its cause; and, it is material to observe, that the words, above distinguished by capitals, were so distinguished in the hand-bill. I have before expressed my indignation against those who have thrown out insinuations of this sort, in which I am happy to perceive that I am joined by a great majority of the nation. But, DR. IRELAND has done more thau insinuate. He has asserted that there can be “no doubt" that "all true lovers of "their country and its cause will desire to "contribute." There can, therefore, be, in his opinion, no doubt, that all those who do not desire to contribute are not true lovers of their country and its cause; or, in other words, that they are enemies of their country and its cause. If one had an opportunity of putting it closely to this gentleman what is the cause of the country, it would appear, likely enough, that he has no very distinct idea of what he was talking about. We should find, perhaps, swimning in his brain, some vague notion, which, when methodically analysed by a skilful hand, would present us nothing more than the innocent desire of perpetuating the power of his patron, Lord Hawkesbury, and the securing to himself some further preferment in the church; and, if he had explained himself to this effect, neither I nor any one, I believe, that knows how to estimate the merits of such a cause, could have objected to hav ing been represented as its decided enemies; but, without this explanation, all of us who object to contributing to the LLOYD'S FUND, have a right to resent the charge which Dr. Ireland has thus publicly preferred against us; and we have a full right to inquire into the proofs which Dr. Ireland himself has given of superior patriotism.--At the close of the article, referred to at the beginning of this present one, I was led, by way of illustration, to notice the "loyalty", of Lord Melville, asy exemplified in his tubscription |