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pherment of those inscriptions which relate to King Sargon, and to the establishment of the facts that an important place in Assyrian history must now be assigned to a person whose name was altogether wanting in those lists of Assyrian kings which had previously come to light, and of whose very existence, for the period of two or three thousand years, Isaiah was the only witness.

We would fain have made more than passing allusion to Ewald's graphic description of the growth of the Messianic hope in the days of Isaiah, and to the virtual recognition which he is constrained to admit of the existence, at this period, of a prophetic element in the Old Testament Scriptures. This element is undoubtedly exhibited in its most striking form in the writings of Isaiah, the greatest and the most original of his order, and more especially in those portions of his writings which Ewald (who, in common with the whole school of negative critics, disputes their genuineness) ascribes, as a collected whole, to a writer resident in Egypt towards the close of the Exile, whom he designates as the great Unnamed, or the great 'Unknown.'

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It would be manifestly out of place to enter here upon a controversy which involves a careful examination of the subjectmatter, the local allusions, the style, and diction, not only of the whole of the last twenty-seven chapters of Isaiah, but also of many earlier passages which modern criticism has been constrained to ascribe either to the same Great Unnamed,' or, with Ewald, to some other unknown authors of about the same period. Suffice it to say, as regards the leaders of this school, that the theory of a Babylonian Isaiah which was once so earnestly insisted on, is now dead; and that until some more feasible theory is invented than that which regards a collection of prophecies, the most original, the most sublime, and the most distinctly stamped by peculiarities of style and of expression, as the productions of some unknown' writer, or writers, who imitated, and who borrowed from, his or their predecessors, we may be content to abide by the belief alike of the Christian and of the Jewish Church, that it was the veritable Isaiah of the days of King Hezekiah from whose pen the later as well as the earlier prophecies which bear his name proceeded.

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* It is not for us to reconcile this theory with the allusion made, according to Ewald, by the 'great Unknown,' in Is. lxvi. 1, to the 'too 'glowing ardour' of the returned exiles, under Zerubbabel, to push forward the rebuilding of the Temple (v. 99).

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There is much in Ewald's account of the period which intervened between the destruction of the Monarchy and the return from the Exile-a period which he designates as that of the transformation into the Hagiocracy '-which is well deserving the attention of Biblical students. The ruinous errors and perversities of earlier centuries,' he writes, were over now; and all the storm was past of that wild passion into which even the essentially noble efforts of Israel had so often degenerated in the time of the nation's independent life.' The history of the Hagiocracy, i.e. the Sovereignty of the Holy, after the restoration of the people to their ancient fatherland, is, in our judgment, one of the most interesting portions of Ewald's elaborate work. Whilst freely admitting that it was in correspondence with the succession of the three powerful supremacies of the Persians, the Greeks, and the Romans that this portion of the history of Israel falls into its three broad sections, Ewald maintains that the most potent influence which guided the course of events was the one fundamental conception of the Messianic hope of Israel.' So far as this conception is regarded as exercising its designed and legitimate influence upon the inner life of the community of Israel at large, or upon that of its individual members, we think that Ewald's account of the internal dissensions which characterised this period of history, and of the weak faith,' and 'groundless doubt,' which a Hagiocracy 'inevitably fosters,' will serve very materially to qualify the foregoing assertion. On the other hand, when the history of the Hagiocracy, in common with the whole of that of the preceding periods of Jewish history, is regarded in reference to the accomplishment of the divine purposes in the 'fulness of the times,' we entirely acquiesce in the justice of Ewald's remark that, little as we might suspect it from a superficial glance, this fundamental conception was most profoundly and irrevocably' determining the course of the Hagiocracy, for a period of nearly six centuries up to the time of Christ. Whilst earnestly contending, however, for the principle that the whole. antecedent period of Jewish history will be read in its true light only when it is regarded as a preparation for the promulgation of the Gospel, we are compelled to express our conviction that Ewald's view of the Hagiocracy is but an unsatisfactory attempt to frame a theory respecting the rise of Christianity which neither Jew nor Christian will be able to accept.

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The numerous allusions which are found in the later prophets to the restoration of Israel as well as of Judah create a very perceptible difficulty to those who, with Ewald, not only reject the predictive element of prophecy, properly

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so called, but who also, with him, regard the history of the ancient people of God as a concluded portion of human ' events.' We freely allow the probability of the supposition that many descendants of the Ten Tribes, as well as a large number of the Tribe of Judah, availed themselves of the permission granted by Cyrus, and gradually, and with no great display,' returned to the ancient fatherland. At the same time, Ewald is constrained to admit that no such restoration as that which was enjoyed by the kingdom of Judah ever fell to the lot of the sister kingdom, which had once been so much greater, and that the name of Judeans' is the only one which, after the restoration, maintained a place in the great history of the world.

The great outlines of the Maccabean age are delineated by Ewald with a masterly hand, and with a greater freedom than we observe elsewhere from those peculiar theories which present so strong a temptation to an historian, such as Ewald, to distort the facts which he undertakes to narrate. A comprehensive sketch is also given by him of the origin and the distinctive tenets of the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essenes, or Essees, as Ewald designates them, who constituted the three leading Jewish schools, which arose within the Hagiocracy; whilst the concluding pages of the fifth volume of this great work are devoted to a graphic sketch of the life of Herod the Great, and to a short account of the development of Jewish nationality, literature, and science, in the later Greek age. Having thus arrived at the period of the direct supremacy of the Romans over Judea, and with it of the rise of Christianity, we are again compelled to express our conviction that Ewald leaves his readers in utter darkness respecting the solution of the great problem which he undertook to solve, viz., how it was that a religion, the incessant deterioration of which in its latest period is here sketched in so graphic a manner, ended in the development of one which was perfect; or, in other words, how it was that as the result of a continuously progressive course of development, the Jews-having aspired throughout the whole of the successive stages of their history to the attainment of a perfect religion-were ultimately successful in the realisation of the object at which they aimed.

Neither, on a calm and dispassionate review of the elaborate and ingenious theories with which these volumes abound, do we feel that we have met with any arguments which are calculated to shake our faith in the great outlines of the historical creed of the Jewish and the Christian Church respecting the composition of the Books of the Old Testament.

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On the contrary, whilst we entirely agree with the late Dean Milman that Ewald's History of the Children of Israel' is, in every sense of the word, a wonderful work—a work which no one can read without instruction,' few without admiration of the singular acuteness,' the indefatigable industry,' 'the 'universal erudition' of the writer-we think that the same result must be produced upon the mind of every thoughtful and impartial student of sacred history which Dean Milman describes in the words which follow:- I must confess that I 'read Ewald ever with increasing wonder at his unparalleled ingenuity, his surpassing learning, but usually with decreasing 'conviction.' As a book not only of reference but also of study for the Biblical student, Ewald's History of Israel' is not likely to be soon superseded. As regards his peculiar theories, we look upon them as virtually buried in the grave of their learned and lamented author.

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Those only who are acquainted with the peculiarities of Ewald's style will be able to appreciate the full debt of gratitude which English scholars owe to his able and accomplished editors and translators. Whilst regretting, in some few instances, that the complications of the original are not wholly removed from the English version, we are much more disposed to admire the clearness and general intelligibility of the translation than to animadvert upon minute and occasional blemishes in it. Indeed, we are disposed to think that the majority even of those who are capable of mastering the work in its original form-and such readers do not form a very numerous class-will prefer to study it in that garb in which Professor Martineau and Mr. Carpenter have clothed it.

ART. VI.-1. The Archæology of Rome. By JOHN HENRY PARKER, C.B. Two volumes, 8vo. London: 1875.

2. La Vita di Nino Bixio, narrata da GIUSEPpe Guerzoni. Firenze: 1875.

3. L'Italia Economica nel 1873.

Roma: 1874.

Pubblicazione Ufficiale.

4. Stato Attuale della Finanza in Italia. Per FRANCESCO BALLARINI. Imola: 1874.

5. I Dialetti d'Italia. Letture Pubbliche di Antonio Zoncada. Pavia: 1875.

6. Documenti relativi al Progetto di legge per l'applicazione dei provvedimenti straordinari di pubblica sicurezza presentati alla Camera del Ministro dell'Interno (CANTELLI). Tornata del 5 Maggio 1875.

7. Lettere Meridionali.

Di Signor PASQUALE VILLARI. Published in L'Opinione newspaper in March and April 1875.

YEA EAR by year, the pilgrimage which for centuries past has had its point of arrival at Rome proceeds thither, proving constantly more true the old saying as to the place to which all roads lead, while the roads to which the saying refers are yearly multiplied. There is generally something vulgarising in the effect of such indiscriminate worship on the object of it. A crowd of cockneys or a swarm of Parisians can hardly settle on a place without somewhat interfering with its attractions, and when to these are added all the shoddy aristocracy of the 'States' and all the swagger of victorious Berlin, it might be thought that even Rome would suffer. But Rome is too vast and too historical to be affected by incursions like these. She has survived Attila and Genseric, and will not fall before an inroad of Cook's Tourists or English Pædobaptists.* yet there is something very droll in the way in which successive waves of tourists inundate the Eternal City, and how, when there, they mount high as the lantern of St. Peter's, and

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* Besides Father Gavazzi's flock, there are now congregations of Waldensians, English Episcopalians both Decorated and Perpendicular, American Episcopalians, who are building a church of beautiful proportions and elaborate design, Presbyterians, and last of all, Baptists, who this spring celebrated the opening of their chapel with unusual splendour, having imported a high priest from England, with several van-loads of what the Roman newspapers called 'the faithful,' to do honour to the inauguration.

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