case in point, more than a hundred brilliant declamations. Having resided a good deal in France during the progress of the Revolution, to which I was, for some time, a warm friend; having passed through every province of the kingdom; examined all her principal manufac tures; gained much instruction relative to the state of her commerce, and attended minutely to the situation of her people; it was natural for me, on my return to England, to consult with attention the legislative acts of the new government; and to procure, by correspondence and, conversation, with persons on whom I could depend, such intelligence as was necessary to enable me to satisfy my curiosity concerning the result of the most singular Revolution recorded in the annals of mankind. I should consider myself as a bad subject of Britain, if I did not use every endeavour to render the knowledge, thus acquired, of use to my countrymen; and it is solely with this view that I now throw together a few short Essays, inserted originally in the Annals of Agriculture, somewhat improved in form, and with such additions as the events of the period afford.

"But in attempting to give expressions ade quate to the indignation every one must feel at the horrible events now passing in France, I am sensible that I may be reproached with changing my politics, my principles,' as it has been called. My principles 1 certainly have not

changed

changed-because if there be one principle more predominant than another in my politics, it is the principle of change. I have been a farmer too long to be governed by any thing but events; I have a constitutional abhorrence of theory, of all trust in abstract reasoning; and consequently I have a reliance merely on experience; in other words, on events, the only principle worthy of an experimenter.

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"The circumstance of there being men who having been friends to the Revolution, before the 10th of August, yet continue friends to it, proves clearly one of two things: that they are either republicans, and therefore approved of the Revolution before the 10th of August merely as a step to the 21st of January, thinking, with Dr. Priestley, the Revolution of the 10th necessary and HAPPY ;-or, that they have changed their principles. The Revolution before the 10th of August was as different from the Revolution after that day as light from darkness; as clearly distinct in principle and practice as liberty and slavery; for the same man to approve therefore of both must either be uncandid or changeable; uncandid in his approbation before that period -changeable in his approbation after it. How little reason therefore for reproaching me with sentiments contrary to those I published before the 10th of August! I am not changeable, but steady and consistent; the same principles which directed me to approve the Revolution in its commencement (the principles of real li

berty

berty), led me to detest it after the 10th of August. The reproach of changeableness, or something worse, belongs entirely to those who did not then change their opinion, but approve the republic, as they had approved the limited monarchy. Upon sure ground of experiment, it shall be my business, in the ensuing pages, to bring to the reader's notice some facts proper to explain."

"But let us examine facts, as reported by Jacobin authority

"The freedom of elections seems to be curiously attended to.-Resolution of the Jacobin Club of September 13, sent to all the clubs of the kingdom: Let us not lose a single moment to prevent, by firm measures, the danger of seeing these new legislators oppose, with impunity, the sovereign will of the nation. Let us be inspired with the spirit of the electoral body of Paris, whose decrees express, that a scrutiny shall be made of the National Convention, for the purpose of expelling from its bosom such suspected members as may, in their nomination, have escaped the sagacity of the primary assemblies.' (Polit. State, No. 6, p. 449.) What a beautiful lesson is this to the men who complain of our representation in England, and wish it reformed! Here is a delicious reform, and at the hands of republicans! The world, probably, never contained a proof of more determined confusion; this is truly a digest of anarchy! For

members

members to be elected to the Convention, under the controul of the Commons of Paris, whether they shall take their seat or not, is curious, and ought to give us the clearest conviction, that the Jacobins want no Duke of Brunswick to be the avenger of the crimes of Paris. None can be such adepts in national misery, such founders of national ruin, as the people themselves, whose exertions are, with singular inge nuity, forming a system in which regulation shall produce disorder, and decrees blood. That the people design to legislate personally for themselves cannot be doubted; they mean the Convention to have no power, but an initiative to propose to the sovereign, who will accept or reject by the organ of clubs."

"October 5, a deputation from Paris, thus speak at the bar, demanding the speedy trial of the King: The men of the 10th of August will never suffer that those they have invested with their confidence shall despise for an instant the sovereignty of the people; courage is the virtue of a free people; and we will not depart from the principle, that, if it is just to obey laws, it is just also to resist despots, under whatever masque they may conceal themselves: we think it for our interest to make our elections viva voce (a haut voix)!' The Minister of the Interior is forced to write the same day to the Convention

I pray you to take measures to prevent being null and without effect all the demands and requisitions

quisitions which I daily make, IN THE NAME OF THE LAW, to the Commons of Paris.' The Minister, in the name of the Convention, applied for law; but found the Commons of Paris stronger than both. 'I have seen,' says Cambon, September 25th, these Commons rob the national edifices of all their most precious effects, without the least register or note; and when we decreed that these effects should be carried to the national treasure, that decree remained without execution.'

"The Council General of the Commons of Paris,' says Barre, Nov. 10th, has sought to depress, by every possible method, the national representation. The Legislative Body said, that that germ of new revolutions ought to disappear, and the next day it was obliged to withdraw its decree. It said also, that the gates of Paris ought to be opened, that every man might travel freely through the interior of the empire; but the Council General ordered them to be shut. The Legislature decreed, that no more passports should be necessary. The Council General directly ordered, that none shoul stir without a passport*.* • The constitutional dignity of the National Assembly,' says Paine, cannot debase itself." Paris is the best judge of the debasement of that assembly."

"The Commissioners of the Sections of Paris,

* Moniteur, Oct. 28,

at