the unquestionable reality of their danger. Let them here discover-their intellects must be weak indeed, if they cannot discover, in this Deputation, what those men mean who drink equal Liberty to all mankind. NATIONAL CONVENTIONS EQUALLY EVERY WHERE!! is the sentiment of their bosoms, and would have been sung about the streets, had Government slept six weeks longer. Who can read without horror the following Address to the Volunteer Corps of Ireland, from an Irish Society of the same complexion, so lately as Dec. 20- Citizen Soldiers to arms! When your country has been declared in danger, we conjure you by your glory to stand to your arms, and, in spite of a Police, in spite of a Fencible Militia, to maintain good order. It is only by military array that you can obtain the speedy resurrection of Liberty and Equality.' Here is abundant proof that we are far distant from entire safety; and that the least relaxation in that associated preparation, which is now our only salvation, would give new animation to these Societies of desperate men with desperate views; to these Enemies of Government, of Order, and of Property. Had Dumourier,' says Robespiere, March 10, ‘entered Holland three months ago, as he demanded, the Revolution would, by this time, have been made in England! Yet have we men on the benches of Parliament who assert, that all our dangers were imaginary.

VOL. III.

E

imaginary. The Jacobin Leaders know better, and declare it."

Those persons who accuse Mr. Pitt, Lord Castlereagh, and the Administration for the time, of stirring up rebellion in Ireland, surely are ignorant of those proceedings; for Mr. Young not only states what has happened, but plainly tells us what might be expected, and what unfortunately really came to pass in that country. We shall now proceed to review the other Writers

MR. BURKE.

MR. BURKE.

AMONGST those who entered into the literary contest respecting the wisdom of the principles, or the merits of the men who conducted the French Revolution, Mr. Burke certainly stands the first. He is not only profound but original, and he had the merit of being almost the only person whom the false but blazing lustre of the French Revolution did not astonish or mislead.

As time has thrown much light on many of the transactions of the Revolution, and as its termination has been quite different from what was expected, it is not necessary to enter upon a Review of the whole, but to confine it to such parts as time and events leave still in some degree uncertain.

Respecting the historical part, Mr. Burke and all the Writers, except Mr. Young, were nearly equally mistaken. Mr. Burke collected facts in support of his belief, that all those concerned in the Revolution had nothing in view but robbery, murder, and plunder. Those who wrote on the other side made out another case, and saw nothing but men actuated by a too great zeal for liberty, committing a few excesses in the impetuosity with which they followed so desirable an object -in both these they were greatly mistaken.

The artful and designing few led the many into error-they perverted their judgment, and, E2 when

when in a state of political phrenzy, made them commit every species of abomination; but at the bottom happiness was the view with the great number: the reveries, however, of the philosophers of the last century, the sophisms, and the paradoxes, which had been rather employed and brought forth as matters of amusement, or to occupy the mind and please the fancy, than as serious grounds of action, became the fundamental guides in the Revolution. A few designing men led the many astray, and, when disorder was once established, necessity compelled those who had begun to continue in the ruinous career.

The eloquence and force of language of Mr. Burke injure the cause he supports: his invectives weaken his arguments, for they convince the reader, that passion guides the pen, and, what is still more unfortunate, some of his errors are recorded in such strong and elegant characters that they have acquired immortalitythey will never be forgotten; and thus the excellent reflexions which he makes in other places are supposed to spring from a contaminated

source.

The opponents of Mr. Burke have a great advantage over him in their manner;-they wear the garb of the reasoner, and have the solemnity of the counsel in the court of justice, whilst Mr. Burke, dressed in the garb of a theatrical performer, with the graces and action of the stage, pleases more, but convinces less, those who

do

do not take the words by their worth, but by their accompanying gestures.

The horrors of the Revolution are known to the whole world, and no one has been found to vindicate them; but then the great business is to inquire whether those horrors arose from the principle on which the Revolution was conducted or not?

This is the more important to inquire into, that there are still numbers of persons who admire the French Constitution of 1789, and consider it as having been overwhelmed by the coalesced powers, and not to have failed through its own imperfection;-there are still numbers who think that Constitution would have rendered the people of France free and happy: now this is the great point on which Mr. Burke excels all other Writers on the subject, by shewing the inconsistencies, the anomalies, the contradictions, and general inefficiency, or rather impracticability, of that Constitution which, in fact, fell by its own hands; for insurrection was one of the most sacred rights of men, and the 10th of August, 1792, ended the phantom so much adored by some, and in reality so little deserving of adoration.

A few of the most excellent parts of Mr. Burke's writings, though neither the most fanciful nor amusing, deserve to be collected and preserved in one mass-the event has shewn their justice, let his enemies say what they may.

"When"