Maine made Hamlin their first candidate for Governor in 1857 and elected him; but he served only a few weeks, as he was again chosen Senator, officiating until he assumed office as Vice-President in 1861. He was an able and esteemed coadjutor of Lincoln's, though in the election of 1864 Andrew Johnson was substituted for him on the national ticket. The ensuing year he filled the position of collector of the port of Boston. He was again in the United States Senate from 1869 to 1881. For a number of years he was regent of the Smithsonian Institute, and dean most of the period. He was our Minister to Spain in 1881 and '82. He died in Maine several years ago. A peculiarity of his was that he never wore an overcoat, but would go out in the coldest weather without any additional clothing.

V.

Result of the Election of 1860-New Jersey the only Northern Democratic State-Elation of Southern Politicians over the Election of Lincoln-Their Plans for Secession-Threat of Henry A. Wise in 1856-Convention of Southern Governors-Action of South Carolina-Ordinance of Secession-Hasty Action of the Legislature-Terrorism throughout the South-Persecution of Union Men-Promises of Senator Clingman and their Performance-Secession in the other States of the South-Organization of the Confederacy-Action of President Buchanan and his Cabinet-Cabinet Officers aiding the Secession Movement-Inauguration of President Lincoln-The Attack on Fort Sumter-Action of the Northern and Southern PeopleEnthusiasm for War on both Sides.

HE election of 1860 took place on the sixth of November. By the next morning it was known throughout the whole country that Abraham Lincoln had been elected to the office of President, having more than a majority of the whole number of electors. Every one of the free States, with the exception of New Jersey, had chosen the entire electoral ticket for Lincoln and Hamlin. The same ticket would have carried New Jersey, had it not been for the refusal of some of the Douglas men to support the fusion ticket, so that four Lincoln electors would have slipped in over the two Bell and the two Breckinridge electors. The result was that the Lincoln electors were defeated by less than five thousand majority. California and Oregon were not heard from on that day, but it was found that outside of those States Lincoln had one hundred and eighty electoral votes, while all the others had one hundred and twenty-three. It was found, however, that while Lincoln had a majority of the electoral votes, and was therefore clearly chosen to office, the combined opposition against him had 979,163 votes more than the Republican ticket. The cry was immediately raised by his opponents that he would be an usurper in office if he ventured to take the presidential chair, because he had not received a majority of the votes cast at the election. These conspirators seemed to have overlooked the fact that Buchanan and Taylor were both elected in the

same way, and no voice had been raised to declare that they were usurpers. It was immediately announced by the same conspirators that the principles of the Republican platform, the well-known history and antecedents of Lincoln, and the fanatical character of those who supported him, would lead him to make a vigorous war upon the system of slavery and the rights of all the slave States. The most absurd reports were put in circulation; one being to the effect that as soon as Lincoln was installed in office all the slaves in the Southern States would be declared free, and in less than a week after the President's inauguration slavery would cease to exist, at least so far as it was in the power of the general government to bring it to an end.

Instead of creating great gloom in the Southern States, the election of Lincoln was treated as a cause for rejoicing, particularly among the politicians. They had been for some years preparing for secession, as has already been shown, and the election of Lincoln was taken as the signal for rebellion. As far back as 1856 Governor Wise of Virginia had called a convention of Southern governors at Raleigh, N. C. The assemblage was kept secret at the time it was held-about a month before the election of that year; afterward Governor Wise openly announced that if Fremont had been elected he (Wise) would have assembled an army of twenty thousand men and marched upon Washington, so as to take possession of the capital and all its belongings, in order to prevent, by force of arms, the inauguration of Fremont as President. An assemblage of the same sort was held at the residence of Senator Hammond in South Carolina on Oct. 25, 1860. At this meeting it was resolved, unanimously, that in the event of Lincoln's election South Carolina would secede from the Union at once. Meetings of the same sort were held almost at the same time, or immediately afterward, in five or six of the other slave States. There was great activity among the politicians of the South during the month preceding Lincoln's election, as the reports from the Northern States showed that Democratic defeat was almost a certainty, and preparations were made in various ways for disunion in case of the triumph of the Republicans.

Usually the Legislature of South Carolina does not meet until the last Monday of November, but the Governor of the State found an excuse for calling the Legislature together on Monday, Nov. 5, the day preceding the presidential election. W. D. Porter of Charleston was chosen president of the State Senate. When he took the chair he made a strong speech in favor of secession, in the course of which he said: "We are all agreed as to our wrongs. Let us sac

rifice all differences of opinion as to the time and the mode of remedy upon the altar of patriotism, and for the sake of the great cause. In our unanimity will be our strength, physical and moral. No human power can withstand or break down a united people, standing on their own soil and defending their

homes and firesides. May we be so united, and may the great Governor of Men and Nations inspire our hearts with courage and inform our understandings with wisdom, and lead us in the way of honor and safety." In his message to both houses of the Legislature the Governor recommended that, in the event

of Lincoln's election, a convention of the people of South Carolina should be called immediately to consider and determine for themselves the mode and measure of redress. He declared that it was his opinion that the only alternative left was the secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union; he believed that the indications from most of the Southern States justified the conclusion that the secession of South Carolina would be immediately followed by that of the entire South; they had long desired the co-operation of the other slaveholding States, and he thought the moment was near at hand when their hopes would be realized; they had already decided that the State had the power to secede from the Union, and there was nothing in the powers of the general government to prevent it. At the same session of the Legislature all the leading politicians connected with it expressed the belief that it was their duty to leave the Union at once, in case of the triumph of the Republicans on the following day.

When the news came as to the result of the election, the rejoicing was universal. Men shook hands and congratulated each other that, at last, the moment they had looked for and prayed for had arrived. They believed that the last obstacle to Southern independence had been swept away, and there was no longer anything to interfere with carrying out their wishes. The secession of South Carolina would overcome the apathy and timidity of some of the other States, and to this end it was decided to send delegations to the various State authorities to urge immediate action. Stimulated and encouraged in this way, the Legislature proceeded at once in the work of secession. On the second day of the session Robert Barnwell Rhett offered resolutions calling for the election of delegates to such a convention on the 22d of November, with instructions to meet at the State capitol on the 17th of December. These resolutions were offered in the Lower House, and on the same day similar resolutions were offered in the State Senate. Several speeches were made in both houses, all favoring the movement and none opposing it, with the single exception of a member, who, while not opposing secession, asked that they should delay action until they could consult with the other slave States and make some arrangement for simultaneous action. In the course of his speech he said: "Lincoln's election is taken as an occasion for action, but with us it is not the only cause for action. We have delayed for the last ten years for nothing but co-operation. I think it the best and wisest policy to remain in the Union with our Southern sisters, in order to arrange the time when