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GOV. SEWARD CLOSING THE CANVASS OF 1860.

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vehement, and energetic, as had ever | low the music of the clanging bells; and, been known. Her drawn battle of strange to say, they will all bring you into one common chamber. When you get there, the year before, and the perfect ac- you will hear only this emotion of the hucord in this contest of the anti-Re- man heart appealed to, Fear,-fear that, if publican parties, gave grounds for according to the Constitution and the laws you elect a President of the United States hope, if not confidence, that she to-morrow, you will wake up next day, and might now be carried against Lin- find that you have no country for him to preside over! Is not that a strange motive coln, especially as the City was ex- for an American patriot to appeal to? And, pected to give a far larger majority in that same hall, amid the jargon of three discordant members of the 'Fusion' party, for "Fusion" than she had ever you will hear one argument; and that arguyet given for any man or party. ment is, that, so sure as you are so perverse Abundance of money for every pur- ly, as you ought to do, for one candidate as to cast your vote singly, lawfully, honestpose doubtless contributed to the ani- for the Presidency, instead of scattering it mation of the struggle on this side, among three candidates, so that no Presiwhile painful apprehensions of South-dent may be elected, this Union shall come ern revolt, in case Lincoln should be elected, rendered the the "merchant princes," whose wealth was largely, if not wholly, locked up in the shape of Southern indebtedness, ready to bleed freely for even a hope of preventing a result they so dreaded as fatal to their business, their prosperity, and their affluence.

Gov. Seward-who had made a political tour through the North-West during the Autumn, wherein his speeches in behalf of the Republican

cause and candidates were of a remarkably high order, alike in originality, dignity, and perspicuity-closed the canvass, the night before Election, in an address to his townsmen at Auburn, which concluded with these truthful and memorable words:

"Now here is the trinity in unity and unity in trinity of the political church, just now come to us by the light of a new revelation, and christened 'Fusion.' And this 'Fusion' party, what is the motive to which appeals? You may go with me into the streets to-night, and follow the 'Little Giants,' who go with their torchlights, and their flaunting banners of 'Popular Sovereignty;' or you may go with the smaller and more select and modest band, who go for Breckinridge and Slavery; or you may fol

down over your heads, involving you and us in a common ruin !

• Fellow-citizens, it is time, high time, that we know whether this is a Constitu

tional government under which we live. It is high time that we know, since the Union is threatened, who are its friends, and who are its enemies. The Republican party, who propose, in the old, appointed, constitutional way, to choose a President, are every man ists, wherever they may be, are those who of them loyal to the Union. The disloyalare opposed to the Republican party, and dent... I know that our good and esteemed attempt to prevent the election of a Presineighbors (Heaven knows I have cause to respect, and esteem, and honor, and love them, as I do; for such neighbors as even

my Democratic neighbors, no other man ever had)-I know that they do not avow, nor do they mean to support, or think they are supporting, disunionists. But I tell them, that he who proposes to lay hold of the pillars of the Union, and bring it down into ruin, is a disunionist; and that every man who quotes him, and uses his threats and his menaces as an argument against our exercise of our duty, is an abettor, unconscious though he may be, of disunion; and that, when to-morrow's sun shall have set, and the next morning's sun shall have risen on the American people, rejoicing in the election of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency, those men who to-day sympathize with, uphold, support, and excuse the disunionists, will have to make a sudden choice, and choose whether, in the language of the Senator from Georgia, they will go for treason, and so make it respectable, or whether they will go with us for Freedom, for the: Constitution, and for eternal Union."

XXII.

SECESSION.

those of Missouri (9) and 3, as aforesaid, from New Jersey. But, though nowhere in the Electoral, Mr. Douglas was second in the Popular, vote, as will be seen by the following table, wherein the "Fusion" vote is divided between the parties which contributed to it, according to the best estimate that can now be made of their strength respectively:

STATES.

Maine...
Massachusetts.
Connecticut.

New Hampshire..

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Vermont...
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Ohio
Indiana....
Illinois.
Michigan
Wisconsin.
Minnesota.
Iowa....
California.

THE choice of Presidential Electors, which formerly took place at the discretion of the several States within a limited range, is now required, by act of Congress, to be made on the same day throughoutnamely, on the Tuesday next succeeding the first Monday in November. This fell, in 1860, on the 6th of the month; and it was known, before that day had fully expired, that ABRAHAM LINCOLN had been clearly designated by the People for their next President, through the choice by his supporters of a majority of the whole number of Electors. Every Free State but New Jersey had cho- .. sen the entire Lincoln Electoral ticket; and in New Jersey the refusal of part of the Douglas men to support the "Fusion" ticket (composed Oregon of three Douglas, two Bell, and two Breckinridge men), had allowed four of the Lincoln Electors to slip in over the two Bell and the two Breckinridge Electors on the regular Dem- Maryland.. ocratic ticket. The three Lincoln Electors who had to confront the full vote of the coalesced anti-Republican parties were defeated by about 4,500 majority. And, although this was not ascertained that night, nor yet Florida.... the fact that California and Oregon had gone with the other free States, yet there were 169 Lincoln Electors chosen (out of 303) outside of these Bell men. three States; with these, Mr. Lincoln had 180, to 123 for all others. Of these, Breckinridge had 72; Bell 39 (from Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee); and Douglas barely 12

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THE SOUTH ON LINCOLN'S ELECTION.

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next to the all but impossible success of their own candidate-preferred that of the Republicans.1 In the Senate throughout the preceding Session, at Charleston, at Baltimore, and ever since, they had acted precisely as they would have done, had they preeminently desired Mr. Lincoln's success, and determined to do their best to secure it.

And now, a large majority of Lin

dering morally certain his choice by the Electoral Colleges next month, and his inauguration on the 4th of March ensuing. So the result contemplated and labored for by at least two of the four contending parties in the canvass had been secured. What next?

From an early stage of the can- | events, throughout the Slave Stateş vass, the Republicans could not help seeing that they had the potent aid, in their efforts, of the good wishes for their success of at least a large proportion of the advocates of Breckinridge and Lane. The toasts drunk with most enthusiasm at the Fourthof-July celebrations throughout South Carolina pointed to the probable election of Mr. Lincoln as the necessary prelude to movements whereon the hearts of all Carolinians were in-coln Electors had been carried, rentent. Southern "Fire-Eaters" canvassed the Northern States in behalf of Breckinridge and Lane, but very much to the satisfaction of the friends of Lincoln and Hamlin. The "Fusion" arrangements, whereby it was hoped, at all events, to defeat Lincoln, were not generally favored by the "Fire-Eaters" who visited the North, whether intent on politics, business, or pleasure; and, in some instances, those who sought to commend themselves to the favor of their Southern patrons or customers, by an exhibition of zeal in the "Fusion" cause, were quietly told: "What you are doing looks not to the end we desire: we want Lincoln elected." In no Slave State did the supporters of Breckinridge unite in any "Fusion" movement whatever; and it was a very open secret that the friends of Breckinridge generally-at all

1 The Washington Star, then a Breckinridge organ, noticing, in September, 1860, the conversion of Senator Clingman, of North Carolina, from the support of Douglas to that of Breckinridge, said:

In October, 1856, a Convention of Southern Governors was held at Raleigh, N. C., at the invitation of Gov. Wise, of Virginia. This gathering was kept secret at the time; but it was afterward proclaimed by Gov. Wise that, had Fremont been elected, he would have marched at the head of twenty thousand men to Washington, and taken possession of the Capitol, preventing by force Fremont's inauguration at that place.

In the same spirit, a meeting of the prominent politicians of South

ism, as being far more dangerous to the South than the election of Lincoln; because it seeks to create a Free-Soil party there; while, if LinSouth united in her own defense-the only key coln triumphs, the result cannot fail to be a to a full and-we sincerely believe-a peaceful and happy solution of the political problem of the Slavery question."

"While we congratulate him on the fact that his eyes are at length open to the (to the South) dangerous tendency of the labors of Douglas, we hail his conversion as an evidence of the truth of our oft-repeated declaration, that, ere the first Monday in November, every honest and unselfish Democrat throughout the South will be found arrayed against Douglas-Freesoil- | ards.

Columns like the above might be quoted from the Breckinridge journals of the South, showing that they regarded the success of Douglas as the great peril, to be defeated at all haz

Carolina was held at the residence of Senator Hammond, near Augusta, on the 25th of October, 1860. Gov. Gist, ex-Gov. Adams, ex-Speaker Orr, and the entire delegation to Congress, except Mr. Miles, who was kept away by sickness, were present, with many other men of mark. By men of mark. By this cabal, it was unanimously resolved that South Carolina should secede from the Union in the event of Lincoln's then almost certain election. Similar meetings of kindred spirits were held simultaneously, or soon afterward, in Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, and probably other Slave States. By these meetings, and by the incessant interchange of messages, letters, and visits, the entire slaveholding region had been prepared, so far as possible, for disunion in the event of a Republican, if not also of a Douglas, triumph.

The Legislature of South Carolina does not regularly meet until the fourth Monday in November; but, the recent act of Congress requiring a choice of Presidential Electors prior to that time, Gov. Gist had good reason for calling the Legislature of 1860 to meet in advance of the regular day. It met, according to his summons, at Columbia, on Monday, Nov. 5 (the day before the choice of Presidential Electors throughout the Union), when Mr. W. D. Porter, of Charleston, was chosen President of the Senate. On taking the Chair,

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very existence, depends upon our action. peril, to the Roman consuls, to take care It was the old injunction, in times of great

that the Republic sustained no detriment; this charge and injunction is now addressed to us. All that is dear and precious to this people-life, fortune, name, and history—all is committed to our keeping for weal or for woe, for honor or for shame. Let us do our part, so that those who come after us shall acknowledge that we were not unworthy of the great trusts devolved upon us, and not unequal to the great exigencies by which we were tried. Above all things, let us be of one mind. We are all agreed as to our wrongs. Let us sacrifice all differences of opinion, as to the time and mode of remedy, upon the altar of patriotism, and for the sake of the great cause. In our unanimity will be our strength, physical and moral. No human power can withstand or break down a united people, standing upon their own soil and defending their homes and firesides. May we be so united, and may the great

Governor of men and of nations inspire our

hearts with courage, and inform our understandings with wisdom, and lead us in the way of honor and of safety."

Gov. Gist (whose term expired with the current year) communicated to both Houses his Annual Message, immediately on their organization. It is as follows:

"EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
"COLUMBIA, S. C., Nov. 5, 1860.

"Gentlemen of the Senate

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and House of Representatives: 'The act of Congress, passed in the year 1846, enacts that the electors of President and Vice-President shall be appointed on the month of November, of the year in which Tuesday next after the first Monday of the they are to be appointed. The annual meeting of the Legislature of South Carolina, by a constitutional provision, will not take place until the fourth Monday in November instant. I have considered it my duty, under the authority conferred upon me to

convene the Legislature on extraordinary occasions, to convene you, that you may, on to-morrow, appoint the number of Electors

of President and Vice-President to which this State is entitled.

"Under ordinary circumstances, your duty could be soon discharged by the election of Electors representing the choice of the people of the State; but, in view of the threatening aspect of affairs, and the strong probability of the election to the Presidency of a sectional candidate, by a party committed to the support of measures, which, if carried out, will inevitably destroy our

GIST AND CHESNUT URGE SECESSION.

equality in the Union, and ultimately reduce the Southern States to mere provinces of a consolidated despotism, to be governed by a fixed majority in Congress hostile to our institutions, and fatally bent upon our ruin, I would respectfully suggest that the Legislature remain in session, and take such action as will prepare the State for any emergency that may arise.

"That an exposition of the will of the people may be obtained on a question involving such momentous consequences, I would earnestly recommend that, in the event of Abraham Lincoln's election to the Presidency, a Convention of the people of this State be immediately called, to consider and determine for themselves the mode and measure of redress. My own opinions of what the Convention should do are of little moment; but, believing that the time has arrived when every one, however humble he may be, should express his opinions in unmistakable language, I am constrained to say that the only alternative left, in my judgment, is the secession of South Carolina

from the Federal Union. The indications

from many of the Southern States justify the conclusion that the secession of South Carolina will be immediately followed, if not adopted simultaneously, by them, and ultimately by the entire South. The longdesired coöperation of the other States having similar institutions, for which so many of our citizens have been waiting, seems to be near at hand; and, if we are true to ourselves, will soon be realized. The State has, with great unanimity declared that she has the right peaceably to secede, and no power on earth can rightfully prevent it.

If, in the exercise of arbitrary power, and forgetful of the lessons of history, the Government of the United States should attempt coërcion, it will become our solemn duty to meet force by force; and, whatever may be the decision of the Convention, representing the Sovereignty of the State, and amenable to no earthly tribunal, it shall, during the remainder of my administration, be carried out to the letter, regardless of any hazard that may surround its execution.

"I would also respectfully recommend a thorough reörganization of the Militia, so as to place the whole military force of the State in a position to be used at the shortest notice, and with the greatest efficiency. Every man in the State, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, should be well armed with the most efficient weapons of modern warfare, and all the available means of the State used for that purpose.

"In addition to this general preparation, I would recommend that the services of ten thousand volunteers be immediately accepted; that they be organized and drilled by

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officers chosen by themselves, and hold themselves in readiness to be called on upon the shortest notice. With this preparation for defense, and with all the hallowed memories of past achievements, with our love of liberty, and hatred of tyranny, and with the knowledge that we are contending for the safety of our homes and firesides, we can confidently appeal to the Disposer of all human events, and safely trust our cause in His keeping. WM. H. GIST."

Mr. James Chesnut, Jr., one of the United States Senators from South Carolina, was among the large number of leading politicians in attendance at the opening of the legislative session. He was known as a zealous advocate of Secession, and as such was serenaded on the evening of November 5th, aforesaid. Being called out to speak, Mr. Chesnut (as reported by telegraph to The Charleston Courier) said:

"Before the setting of to-morrow's sun, in all human probability, the destiny of this confederated Republic would be decided. He solemnly thought, in all human probability, that the Republican party would triumph in the election of LINCOLN as President. dent. In that event, the lines of our enemies seem to be closing around us; but they must be broken. They might see in the hurried paths of these starched men of livery the funeral cortege of the Constitution of the country. Peace, hope, independence, liberty, power, and the prosperity of Sovereign States, may be draped as chief mourners; still, in the rear of this procession, there is the light of the glorious past, from which they might rekindle the dying blaze of their own altars. We see it all know it all-feel it all; and, with heaven's help, we will meet it all.

"It was evident that we had arrived at the initial point of a new departure. We have two ways before us, in one of which, whether we will or not, we must tread; for, in the event of this issue, there would be no repose. In both lie dangers, difficulties, and troubles, which no human foresight can foreshadow or perceive; but they are not equal in magnitude. One is beset with humiliation, dishonor, émeutes, rebellionswith submission, in the beginning, to all, and at all times, and confiscation and slavery in the end. The other, it is true, has its difficulties and trials, but no disgrace. Hope, duty, and honor, shine along the path. Hope

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