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communications were not intended to pose of upholding the laws of the Union. It discourage them in their efforts. The could not be to uphold the statutes of Mary
land. The President of the United States is conclusion is irresistible, that he went faithful to his duty; and the people of Mato Richmond hoping to elicit from ryland are faithful to theirs." the Confederate chiefs some proffer, The bill providing for the reörganoverture, or assent, looking to reünion ization of the Army being this day on their own terms, but had been ut- before the Senate, Mr. Powell, of terly disappointed and rebuffed. He Kentucky, proposed to add to it the closed as follows:
following: “Mr. Speaker, all the crime, all the trea- "And be it further enacted, That no part son of this act, rests on me, and me alone; of the Army or Navy of the United States and I am content, in the sight of high Heav- shall be employed or used in subjecting or en, to take it and press it to my heart.” holding as a conquered province any soveMr. Francis Thomas, of Maryland, reign State now or lately one of the United
States." replied ably and thoroughly to Mr.
Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, moved May's assaults on the Administration
to amend this, by adding, and its policy of coërcion;' pointing to the recent vote of the People of
"Unless a military necessity shall exist in
enforcing the laws and maintaining the ConMaryland (44,000“ Union" to 24,000 stitution of the Union." “Peace") as their verdict on the
A very able and earnest debate issues whereon the President was ar
arose hereon, wherein Messrs. Pow raigned by his colleague. He said:
ell, Polk, and Bright, on the one " The apportionment of representatives in hand, and Messrs. Sherman, of Ohio, the Legislature was made in old colonial times. It has been modified; but, up to this Browning, of Illinois, Lane, of Kan. day and hour, the majority of the people of sas, Fessenden, of Maine, etc., on the Maryland have no voice in the choice of other, took part. Mr. Lane's amendtheir Legislature. Under our new Constitution, however, the majority, by a general ment was rejected by Yeas 11 (all ticket, elect a Governor; and, at the last Republicans) to election, they elected one responsive to the sentiment that beats warmly in the hearts of
NAYS - Messrs. Breckinridge, Bright, the people of Maryland. But the Legisla- Browning, Carlile, Doolittle, Fessenden, ture of Maryland, elected two years ago, not
Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harris, Howe, Johnwith a view to this issue, have been engaged Latharn, McDougall, Morrill, Nesmith, Polk,
son, of Tenn., Johnson, of Mo., Kennedy, in embarrassing the Governor in all his measures of policy. One of those measures, which Powell, Saulsbury, Sherman, Ten Eyck, and Gov. Hicks thought a very prudent measure
Willey-24. under the existing state of things in Mary- Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, now moved land, was to collect the arms held by private the following as a substitute for Mr. citizens, without distinction of party. This the Legislature prevented from being carried Powell's proposition : into execution, and passed a law which goes " And be it further enacted, That the purvery far to secure arms in the hands of individuals. Why? If the citizens of Maryland for in this act are to preserve the Union, to
poses of the military establishment provided are for warring against the Government, they defend the property, and to maintain the should not be permitted to have arms.
constitutional authority, of the Governinent.” they are for peace, they do not need them; for the arm of the United States protects This was adopted, after debate; them, and the banner of the confederacy Yeas 33; Nays 4. [Breckinridge and floats over them. Why, then, have the Legislature interposed obstructions, by law, to Powell, of Ky., Johnson and Polk, of the collection of arms? Do they think it Missouri.] prudent to leave them in the lands of pri
As Mr. Powell's amendment was vate holders, to be concealed where they cannot be found ? It could not be for the pur- thus superseded, Mr. Breckinridge
VIEWS OF CONSERVATIVE REPUBLICANS.
now moved the following, as an addi- | said ; and I say it now,and shall continue at all tion to the amendment just adopted : threat
, but as a warning and an admonition."
a “But the Army and Navy shall not be
Mr. BROWNING (of Ill.)
" Mr. President, employed for the purpose of subjugating any
I cannot say, in common with the Senatoi State, or reducing it to the condition of a from Virginia Mr. Carlile), that I regret Territory or province, or to abolish Slavery that this amendment has been proposed to therein."
the Senate. I shall certainly vote against This was rejected by the following approbation; but it may still be well that it
it; it does not meet my views, nor receive my vote :
has been offered; as it affords us an opporYeas-Messrs. Breckinridge, Bright, W. P. tunity of comparing notes, understanding Johnson, of Mo.,
Kennedy, Latham, Nesmith, the opinions of each other, and giving the Polk, Powell, and Saulsbury--9.
country at large a distinct understanding of Nays-Messrs. Anthony, Bingham, Brown
what the purpose and intentions of the Coning, Carlile, Chandler, Clark, Collamer,
gress of the United States are. I speak only Cowan, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster,
for one; I intend to speak very briefly, but Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Howe, John
very plainly, my sentiments on this subject. son, of Tenn., King, Lane, of Ind., Lane, of
“I differ, furthermore, from the Senator Kansas, McDougall, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sher
from Virginia, in the supposition that the inman, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Wade, Willey, and
stitution of Slavery has had nothing to do
in involving the country in the calamities Wilson--30.
which now press upon it. Had it not been The original amendment was then for the sentiments and opinions which are rejected, so as to strike out all these engendered, fostered, and cherished by the
institution of Slavery, I cannot persuade mydeclaratory propositions, and leave
self to believe that there ever would have the bill as it came from the Commit- been found a disloyal heart to the American tee of the Whole; when it was en
Constitution upon the American conti
nent. I believe that the whole trouble grossed, read a third time, and passed. has grown out of the institution of Slavery,
Bearing in mind that this debate and its presence among us; and (as I reoccurred three days before the battle it necessarily engenders, fosters, and cher
marked) the sentiments and opinions which of Bull Run, that it was initiated by ishes. The war, it is true, is not a war for a pro-Slavery Democrat from Ken
the extermination of Slavery. With the in
stitution of Slavery where it exists, the Gentucky, and that it occurred when eral Government has nothing, as a Governloyal men still generally and confi- ment, to do; nor has the General Govern
ment ever assumed the power of, in any dently expected that the Rebellion shape or manner, controlling the institution would soon be suppressed, leaving of Slavery, or its management, in the States
where it exists. The General Government Slavery intact, it may be weli to note
has never been aggressive either upon the some of the significant intimations Slave States or upon the institution of Slawhich it elicited from the more con- very. These troubles have all grown out of servative Republicans; as follows:
precisely the opposite—not the aggressions
of the General Government, or of the Free Mr. Dixon (of Conn.) “Mr. President, States—but out of the aggressions of Slavery the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Powell] itself, and its continual struggles for expanhas alluded to remarks of mine, and has said sion and extension to countries where it had that I have declared on this floor, that, if it no right to go, and where our fathers never were necessary to abolish Slavery in order intended it should go. If Slavery had been to save the Union, Slavery should be abol- content to remain where the Constitution ished. Mr. President, I have said no such placed it-if it had been content with the thing. What I said was this: that, if the privileges and immunities which the Constiwar should be persisted in, and be long pro- tution guaranteed to it-the Free States and tracted, on the part of the South, and, in the the Slave States of this Union could have lived course of its progress, it should turn out that together in a perpetual bond of fraternity. either this Government or Slavery must be * Mr. President, History gives no instance, destroyed, then the people of the North- in my judgment, of such long-suffering and the conservative people of the North-would forbearance as there has been, not by the say, "Rather than let the Government per- people of the Slave States, but as there has ish, let Slavery perish. That is what I been exhibited by the people of the Free teach them that there is a power in the freestitutions that were the common property men of this continent to maintain a constiand common blessing of us all.
States of this Union, in the endurance of out- and the State of Virginia, will be reprerages, wrongs, and oppressions, that they sented on this floor long after the honorable have suffered at the hands of that institution, | Senator and I have filled the mission allotted and those who inaintain the institution, and
to us.' have suffered from their strong and enduring Mr. BROWNING. “I trust so. I will not devotion to the General Government to the stop to deal with technicalities; I care not institutions that our fathers achieved for us, whether you call it the subjugation of the and transmitted to us. I think I should not people or the subjugation of the State, be at all mistaken in asserting that, for every where all the authorities of a State, where slave that has ever been seduced from the all the officers, who are the embodiment of service of his owner, by the interference of the power of the State, who speak for the citizens of the Free States with the institu- State, who represent the government of the tion where it exists, more than ten free State, where they are all disloyal and banded white men of the Free States of this Union in treasonable confederation against this have been outraged—every privilege of free- Government, I, for one, am for subjugating dom trodden upon--every right of person vio- them; and you may call it the subjugation lated.- by lawless mobs in the Slave States. of the State, or of the people, just as you We have borne all this uncomplainingly; please. I want this Rebellion put down, we have borne it without a murmur, because this wicked and causeless treason punished, we were willing to bear it--willing to make and an example given to the world that will the sacrifice, for the sake of the glorious in
tutional government. “Mr. President, we have not invited this Why, Mr. President, it is just a struggle war: the people of the loyal States of the to-day--the whole of this fight is about that, Union are in no degree responsible for the and nothing else--whether there shall be calamities that are now upon the country: any longer any such thing as government on we gave no occasion for them. There is, in continent or not; and the very moment the history of man, no instance of so stupen- that the doctrine of Secession, the very modous a conspiracy, so atrocious a treason, ment that the astounding heresy of Secesso causeless a rebellion, as that which now sion, is admitted, in any sense or in any exists in this country; and for what purpose ? degree, government is overthrown; beWhat wrong had we ever done to the Slave cause, if there be any such thing as a right States, or to the institution of Slavery? I existing in a State to secede at any time at have heard, in all the assaults that have been her will causelessly to dismember this made on this Administration, no single spe- Union and overthrow this Governmentcification of one injustice that they had ever there is an end to all constitutions and all suffered at the hands of the General Govern- laws; and it is a struggle to-day for the life ment, or at the hands of the Free States, or of the nation. They have assailed that life : of the people of the Free States.
we have not done it; and all that the Gov“Mr. President, I am not prepared to ad- ernment has done, and all that the Adminismit, either--as some gentlemen take pains tration proposes to do, is in necessary selfto explain—that this is not a war of subju- defense against assaults that are made upon gation. If it is not a war of subjugation, the very life of the nation.
Now, what is it? What was it set on foot for, if Mr. President, one thing more. It is better it is not for the sole, identical purpose of that people everywhere should understand subjugating the atrocious Rebellion that precisely what is going on, what has hapexists in the country ?!
pened, and what is to happen. Mr. SHERMAN. “My friend will allow ine?” I should rejoice to see all the States in reMr. BROWNING. Certainly.
bellion return to their allegiance; and, if Mr. SHERMAN. “My friend misunderstood they return, if they lay down the arms of my language. I said distinctly that it was their rebellion, and come back to their duty not the purpose of this war to subjugate a and their obligations, they will be as fully State, a political community ; but I will go protected now, and at all times hereafter, as as far as he or any other living man to up- they have ever been before, in all their hold the Government against all rebellious rights, including the ownership, use, and citizens, whether there be one or many of management of slaves. Let them return to them in a State. If nine-tenths of the peo- their allegiance; and I, for one, am now for ple of any State rebel against the authority giving to the Slave States as fully and comof this Government, the physical power of pletely all the protection of the Constitution this Government should be brought to re- and laws as they have ever enjoyed in any duce those citizens to subjection. The State / past hour of our existence. survives; and, I have no doubt, the State of “ But, sir, let us understand another South Carolina, and the State of Florida, I thing. As I have already said, the power
VIEWS OF MR. BROWNING, OF ILL.
to terminate this war now is not with us. opinion, they would descend in an avalanche The power is with us, but not to terminate
upon this Capitol, and hurl us from the it instantly. We will terminate it, if it is places we should be unworthy to fill. not terminated, as it should be, by those "We do not desire this issue, we do not who began it. But, sir, I say, for one-I want this necessity; but we have no power speak for myself, and myself only, but I be- .to prevent it; and it is better that the peolieve, in so speaking, I utter the sentiments ple everywhere should understand that, if which will burst from every free heart in the necessity is forced upon us, our choice all the Northern States of the confederacy- is promptly, instantly, manfully made, and that, if our brethren of the South do force made for all time that we make the line upon us the distinct issue--Shall this Gov- cision, and we will abide by the decision, to ernment be overthrown, and it and all the stand by the Government; and, if it does hopes for civil liberty, all the hopes for the go down-if not only this nation, but the oppressed and down-trodden of all the des- great brotherhood of mankind everywhere, potisms of the earth, go down in one dark, is to witness that unspeakable and unheard dreary night of hopelessness and despair?' of calamity of the overthrow of constituif they force upon us the issue whether the tional government here--let us go down in Government shall go down, to maintain the a manly effort to sustain and uphold it, and institution of Slavery, or whether Slavery to sweep away the causes that brought upon shall be obliterated, to sustain the Constitu- us all this trouble.' tion and the Government for which our fathers fought and bled, and the principles Mr. Carlile, of Va., having dethat were cemented in their blood—I say, murred to these views, Mr. Browning sir, when the issue comes, when they force it upon us, that one or the other is to be rejoined, as follows: overthrown, then I am for the Government and against Slavery; and my voice and my "If he understood me as announcing any vote shall be for sweeping the last vestige wish or any intention that this war should of barbarism from the face of the continent. be a war waged against Slavery, he totally I trust that necessity may not be forced on misapprehended my meaning." us; but, when it is forced upon us, let us Mr. CARLILE. "I did not so understand meet it like men, and not shrink from the the Senator." high and holy and sacred duties that are Mr. BROWNING. "For I took especial laid upon us, as the conservators not only of pains to say that I would rejoice to see this government, but as the conservators of the war terminated; and, if the institution still eternal principles of justice and freedom for existed when it is terminated, I should be the whole human family.
for giving it then, as we had always done "It is better, Mr. President, that we heretofore, in the best faith in the world, should understand each other; and I repeat, every possible protection that the Constituin conclusion, that, when the issue comes tion and laws intended it should have ; but and if it comes it comes because it is forced that, if the issue was forced upon us--as it upon us; it comes upon us as a hard, un- might be-to make a choice between the welcome necessity-I trust we shall be found Government, on the one side, and Slavery adequate to the emergency; I trust that our on the other, then I was for the Government." hearts will not fail us in the day of that ter- Mr. SHERMAN, of Ohio. “I do not underrible conflict--for it is to be a terrible one, stand either the Senator from Kansas on my if this war goes on. If rebellion does not right, or the Senator from Connecticut, or recover of its madness--if American citizens the Senator from Kansas behind me, to say will continue so infatuated as to prosecute that it is the purpose of this war to abolish still further this unnatural war against the Slavery. It is not waged for any such purbest and most blessed Government that the pose, or with any such view. They have world has ever known-this issue may be all disclaimed it. Why, then, does the Senforced upon us.
I say it is not true, as gen- ator [Mr. Powell] insist upon it? I will now tlemen have ventured to assert, that, if it say, and the Senator may make the most of were known by the people of the great it, that, rather than see one single foot of Northwest that, in any possible contingency, this country of ours torn from the national this war might result in the overthrow and domain by traitors, I will myself see the extermination of Slavery, they would no slaves set free; but, at the same tiine, I longer give their support to this Govern- utterly disclaim any purpose of that kind.
If it were known or believed by If the men who are now waging war against the people of the great Northwest that this the Government, fitting out pirates against Government should become so recreant to
our commerce, going back to the old mode of its duties as to shrink from meeting that warfare of the middle ages, should prosecute great question, when forced upon us, in my | this Rebellion to such an extent that there
is no way of conquering South Carolina, for | Wis., and Riddle, of Ohio—(Repubinstance, except by emancipating her slaves, licans.) Mr. Burnett declined to vote. I say, Emancipate her slaves and conquer her rebellious citizens; and, if they have not It is worthy of record that on this people there enough to elect inembers of sad day, while Washington, crowded Congress and Senators
will send people with fugitives from the routed Union there. Let there be no misunderstanding my position; I wish it distinctly understood; Grand Army, seemed to lie at the but, at the same time, I utterly disclaim that is was any purpose, or idea, or object of this mercy of the Rebels, Congress legiswar to free the slaves
. On the contrary, I | lated calmly and patiently througham in favor of the Constitution as it is; I am out; and the House, on motion of in favor of giving the people—the loyal peo- Mr. Vandever, of Iowa, unanimously ple-of the Southern States, every constitutional right that they now possess. I voted " Resolved, That the maintenance of the last Winter to change the Constitution for Constitution, the preservation of the Union, their benefit-to give them new guarantees, and the enforcement of the laws, are sacred new conditions. I would not do that now; trusts which must be executed; that no disbut I did last Winter. I will give them all aster shall discourage us from the most amthe Constitution gives ther, and no more." ple performance of this high duty; and that
we pledge to the country and the world the Mr. John J. Crittenden, of Ky., on employment of every resource, national and the 19th, submitted to the House the individual, for the suppression, overthrow,
and punishment of Rebels in arms." following:
Mr. Andrew Johnson, of Tenn., " Resolved by the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States, That
on the 24th, moved in the Senate a the present deplorable civil war has been resolution identical with that of Mr. forced upon the country by the Disunionists Crittenden, so recently adopted by of the Southern States now in revolt against the constitutional Government, and in arms
the House ; which was zealously oparound the capital; that, in this national posed by Messrs. Polk and Breckinemergency, Congress, banishing all feeling of mere passion or resentment, will recollect ridge, and, on special grounds, by only its duty to the whole country; that Mr. Trumbull, who said: this war is not waged, on our part, in any
" As that resolution contains a statement spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of which, in my opinion, is untrue, that this conquest or subjugation, nor purpose of over
capital is surrounded by armed men, who throwing or interfering with the rights or
started this revolt, I cannot vote for it. I established institutions of those States; but
shall say “Nay. to defend and maintain the supremacy of the
"I wish to add one word. The revolt Constitution, and to preserve the Union, with all the dignity, equality, and rights, of the
was occasioned, in my opinion, by people
who are not here nor in this vicinity. It was several States unimpaired; and, as soon as
started in South Carolina. I think the resothese objects are accomplished, the war
lution limits it to a class of persons who ought to cease.
were not the originators of this Rebellion." Mr. Stevens, of Pa., objecting,
But the resolution was nevertheless The resolution could not be con- adopted, by the following vote : sidered forthwith; but it was taken
YEAS--Messrs. Anthony, Browning, Chanup on Monday, and, on motion of Mr. Cler, Clark, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Feg, Burnett, of Ky., divided--the vote senden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, Har
ris, Howe, Johnson, of Tenn., Kennedy, being first taken on so much of the King,
Lane, of Ind., Lane, of Kansas, Latham, resolution as precedes and includes Morrill
, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Saulsbury, Sher
; the word “ capital,” which was adopt- man, Ten Eyck, Wade, Wilkinson, Willey,
-- . ed by Yeas 121; Nays-Messrs. Bur Nays-Messrs. Breckinridge, Johnson, of nett and Reid—(Rebels :) when the Mo., Polk, Powell, Trumbull—5. remainder was likewise adopted : This day, the Senate considered a Yeas 117; Nays--Messrs. Potter, of bill to confiscate property used for