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ON THE COLORED POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES, By C. Stuart.... 11 AMERICAN SLAVERY vs. HUMAN LIBERTY, By a Kentuckian...
22 The CHURCH CARRIED ALONG ; OR, THE OPINIONS OF A D. D. ON SLAVERY, By Rev. Berian Green...
41 THE CAUSE OF FREEDOM IN OUR COUNTRY, By Dr. Follen.
61 SLAVERY AND THE CONSTITUTION, By Rev. S. J. May.
73 The Rev. F. A. Cox, D.D, AND HIS AMERICAN APOLOGISTS.
90 LAND Piracy, By the Editor...
104 New PUBLICATIONS, &c. .
A VISIT TO LANE SEMINARY IN 1834.
Extracted from Abdy's Tour in the United States.-Vol. II., p. 404. THERE was not in the Academy one abolitionist twelve months before my visit. There were then but three who were not so, and they were all from the free states. Of the rest, more than one-fifth consisted of slaveowners, and all, without exception, declared that "cruelty was the rule of slavery, and kindness the exception.” One professor only, out of six, was a decided and open friend to emancipation. The students were nearly all men of mature age, not mere school boys, as Judge Hall had termed them.
While I was conversing with Mr. Weld, and two or three other students in his room, the former put into my hands a letter, written by a young man, who had been brought, when a child, from the coast of Africa, and had, by working extra time, and reducing his hours for sleep almost to the minimum required for existence, succeeded in teaching himself to read and write, and in purchasing his freedom. For the latter he had paid, in the year 1833, the sum of $700, including what he had given for certain portions of time to work on his own account. The writer (James Bradley) about twenty-seven years of age, was absent. The paper, which was addressed to Mrs. Child of Boston,* contained the narrative of his sufferings and his exertions. His master bore the character of a kind and humane man towards his slaves; yet he was accustomed to knock poor Bradley about the head so cruelly, that his life was despaired of : and the whole family were equally brutal; for while the children were tormenting him with sticks and pins, the father expressed a wish, in his presence, that he was dead, as he would never be good for anything, telling him that “ he would as soon knock him on the head as an opossum.” In his
letter to Mrs. Child, he assures her that what is said by travellers and others who have questioned the slaves upon their wish for freedom, is not to be relied on; as it is a matter of policy with them to affect contentment, and conceal their real sentiments on the subject, since harsher treatment, and severe measures to prevent escape, would be the inevitable result of any anxiety they might shew for liberty: How strange is it"-such are hig own words—" that any body should believe that a human being could be a slave, and feel contented. I don't believe there ever was a slave who did not long for liberty." The whole letter bore the stamp of a mind elevated, candid, and simple, to a degree that art would attempt in vain tu imitate.
I read another, from a man in Indiana, who had, in a similar manner, obtained both his freedom and a knowledge of writing. His sentiments and style were of a very superior order. There were not more, in a long composition, than two
* See Mrs. Child's Oasis.
Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine.
NO. 1.-For October, 1836.
It is happy for mankind that monsters are not immortal. Overruling benevolence has kindly subjected their savage natures to the control of humanity. What they exceed in strength they lack in wisdom, so that gentleness is fated, in the end, always to triumph. A monster to which these remarks emphatically apply is Slavery, which needs only to be pricked with the spear of truth and it will speedily dash out its own brains. The paroxysms of the beast are already ominous of its end.
Slaveholders have been so long used to the driving system, in what they call their domestic economy, that they find it hard to use any other, especially where they consider their interests deeply involved. Were they as anxious to hire the politicians of the North, as the latter are to be hired, they might, at a cheap rate, protect their darling system of whipped labor for a good many years to come. against their grain to pay wages. They would think it worth while to purchase a northern president, provided they could be put in possession of a true bill of sale, setting forth that the said chief magistrate is become the property of the South ; but they cannot think of exalting a non-slaveholder to the dignity of a party to a bargain—with power to recede at pleasure. Most astonishing but fortunate blindness! Here stands the North, cap in hand, ready to be hired to do the dirtiest jobs—cheap. Yet the South has the folly to think she can drive cheaper than she can hire. She tells the politicians of the North they are a faithless set of rogues who cannot be trusted out of the reach of the overseer's whip, and that they will no sooner have got
But it goes
what they ask, than they will forget all their solemn promises to do wrong, and behave as freemen should! What could be more favorable to the cause of humanity? The politicians of the North cannot be openly driven. The vis motrix, to speak rather learnedly, must be applied gastropeithically, and not notopathically. If we do not mistake the signs of the times, the present state of things is near its end. The political driving of the slaveholders is becoming so much like their agricultural, that the subjects of both will soon begin to sympathise with each other.
It will be of little avail to the South to gain Texas, if she loses the services of the North. The North has furnished her a grand cordon of constables to pick up that straggling part of her population which rushes to a land where it “cannot breathe." Such a land, brought up side by side with the old hives where human labor is grown for the market, will inevitably produce a scarcity of that article unfavorable to Texas lands. Indeed, what less would it do than to effect an enfranchisement of the whole enslaved race. We have seen a boy, as stupid as he was cruel, whipping a miserable horse confined in a pound, but we presume the beast would not have stood so still on a common—and we think so of the slaves. The slaveholders, at their present rate of driving, will soon have to choose between doing the fair thing by their laborers, and doing without them. They will have a practical illustration at the North of one of the laws of what they are pleased to call Jewish Slavery–a law to which, in their pious references to the Bible, they always forget to refer us-viz.: “ Thou u shalt not deliver unto his master the servant that is esca"ped from his master unto thee; he shall dwell with thee, “even among you, in that place which he shall choose, in
one of thy gates where it liketh him best; thou shalt not
u Why did you treat that man with such contempt,” said an English gentleman to a Brahmin--" Because," replied the lordly priest “ he is a Pariah.”
“What makes you hate the French so much "said a minister to an English prisoner in Newgate, about fifty years ago. Because," replied the prisoner, “they speak French and wear wooden shoes."
" Is it not very ridiculous," said a Missionary not long since, to an African on the East coast of Africa, thus to deposit provisions, &c., in the graves of your departed friends “It is my country's fash” (fashion or custom) replied the African.
“Why do you wish those people removed to Africa, or to some other place beyond the limits of the United States ? “Because they are of the proscribed class,” replied the United States' man!! Why do you object to placing them in this their native country under benignant and impartial laws immediately and thoroughly? Because their poor mothers were outraged before them, replied the same.
Which of these is the best reasoning? The Brahmin's; or the British felon's; or the heathen African's; or the civilized United States' man's ?
I know the United States' man pretends to other reasons" They are so incorrigibly vicious and degraded, says he (confuting himself) that we must send them to enlighten and christianize Africa !!! They are so inhuman and per