invented as an embellishment; (3) a sacred symbol, arising through the association with it of religious concepts. (1) The figure of the cross appears frequently in the pictographic art of the aborigines, where it represents animal and vegetal forms, as the bird, the dragon-fly, the tree, etc., or the cosmic bodies, as the sun and the stars; and in this use it usually conveys, or has associated with it, ideas of a simple non-symbolic kind. But the creature represented may be a mythical personage, and the cosmic

Figure 1. Hopi basket tray showing ornamental use of bird figures forming a cross; each bird figure also takes the form of the cross. The birds in this case may really represent the rain makers of the four quarters.

body may be a deity, and the cross figures may stand for these and thus be symbolic. In this use, however, the device would be local or special rather than general in its application, and thus would hardly develop into a religious symbol of wide or universal distribution.

(2) Distinct from crosses derived from the pictographic use of life and cosmic originals is a large class of crosses and cross-like figures which have an adventitious origin, being the result of the mechanical requirements of embellishment. In nearly all branches of art in which surface ornament is an important factor, the spaces available for decorative designs are rectangles, circles, and ovals, or are borders or zones which are divided into squares or parallelograms for ready treatment. When simple figuressymbolic or non-symbolic-are filled into these spaces, they are introduced, not singly, since the result would be

unsatisfactory from the point of view of the decorator, nor in pairs, as that would be little better, but in fours, thus filling the spaces evenly and symmetrically. This quadruple arrangement in a multitude of cases produces a cross (Figure 1) which is not always to be distinguished from the true cross symbol. The separate elements in such pseudo-crosses may be figures of men, insects, mountains, clouds, lodges, or what not, and hence separately they may have symbolic association; but the cross produced

by their assemblage in an ornamental form is an accident, and not significant, having a purely decorative function, although meanings suggested to the native mind by such forms may at any stage become associated with them. Again, in very many cases, designs are invented by the primitive decorator who fills the available spaces, to beautify articles manufactured, and arrangement in fours is the most natural and effective that can be devised (Figure 2). These figures, primarily non-significant, may also have meanings read into them by the woman as she works the stitches of her basketry or beadwork, and these ideas may be wholly distinct from those associated with the cross through any other source. Although any of these crosses may thus become religious symbols, it is not probable that a symbol of general distribution and uniform significance could originate in this way.

(3) It is observed that primitive man generally adjusts himself to his environment, real or imaginary, by keeping in mind the cardinal points, as he understands them. When the Indian considers the world about him, he thinks of it as divided into the four quarters, with himself at the centre or intersection; and when he communicates with the mysterious beings and powers with which his imagination. peoples it-the rulers of the winds and the rains-he turns his face to the four directions, in prescribed order, and

makes to them his appeals and his offerings. It is of vital importance to the primitive man, that he shall not lose his bearings among the influences and beings that surround him, and determine his welfare and destiny. Thus, not only his worship and his ceremonials, but his architecture, his games, his healing rites, his burials, etc., are arranged to conform with the cardinal points, and the various symbolic representations associated with them are arranged in four parts, the separating lines taking the form of the cross. This was and is true of many peoples and is well illustrated in the wonderful ceremonials and paintings of the tribes of the arid region (Figure 3). Although an essential part of symbolism, these crosses exist only for the purposes of the occasion and are effaced when the ceremony

is ended. Nevertheless, they find a prominent place in art and pass into permanent form as decorations of ceremonial objects, retaining their significance and performing their imaginary functions indefinitely. The temple, the altar, the basket, the vase, the shield, the gaming device, fulfill their respective sacred offices through the symbols after which they are modeled, or with which they are decorated, only when properly related to the deities of the four quarters to which the symbols pertain. In the ancient Pueblo

bowl shown in Figure 4 the cross is a prominent feature of the design, but, as in the sand painting, it appears to be nothing more than the dividing lines for the four scroll water symbols of the interspaces, which doubtless represent such of the gods of the world-quarters as were supposed to be concerned with the function of the vessel, the filling of which depended on the god-given supply of water.

The Maya, the most highly cultured of the North American tribes, called the cross "the tree of the rains," and the elaborate tree-like crosses in the ancient manuscripts and on sculptured tablets (Figure 5) probably represent merely a higher symbolic development and a more artistic treatment of the cross of the Pueblo bowl where the four arms serve simply to orient the gods of the waters.

The ceremonies of the less cultured tribes also embody the quadruple arrangement of the mythical environments. "The rainmaker (of the Lenape), when he would invoke the gods of the air to send the fertilizing showers down upon

the crops, would begin his exercises by first drawing upon the ground the figure of the cross.' By this means he properly related himself to the deities to which his appeal was made. (Brinton, The Museum, Vol. I, No. 1, p. 19.)

In this primitive use the cross had no necessary significance of its own; it served merely to relate properly the gods of the world-quarter regions to the ceremony with which they were connected. It is not in its origin, therefore, a sacred symbol, but an indicator of relations. The sacred

Figure 5. Mayan cross or "tree of the waters," from a Palenque altar tablet.

attributes belong to the deities supposed to occupy the four directions or regions; but the transfer of this sacred significance from the imaginary personages of the four quarters to the figure which locates them in the universe would seem to be a natural and an easy process, and there can be little doubt that, with primitive peoples generally, this was a common occurrence.

This explanation of the cross symbol among primitive peoples leads to the suggestion that the device among the more cultured peoples of the world may also have had its origin in the orientation of the mysterious powers of the universe, as these were understood in very ancient times; and many facts gleaned from the study of widely distributed nations tend to confirm this view.