tholic nor to the Protestant party, but which every where displays a respectful candour, distinguishes the tone of criticism. Only about 120 pages of this volume are occupied with historical matter; the rest of it consists of Synoptic Tables, Indexes, and other documents of reference.

The Appendix is formed of two dissertations; the one by F. Schlegel, concerning the influence of Oriental literature on that of the Greeks and Romans, and the other by the author on the proper names of the Romans. The former, by the brother of the lecturer on Dramatic Literature, is extracted from the writer's own lectures on Antient and Modern Literature, of which we shall take notice in a subsequent article, and we may therefore pass it here. The second dissertation contains little more than is familiar to those who have read the book of Sigonius, De Nominibus Romanorum.

An important defect of this work is the scantiness of the bibliographical notices. Under the head of Horace or Virgil, for instance, an account should occur of the best editions of their works. On the whole, however, this is a well-made introduction to the literary history of the Latin language; and it deserves more than the author's former publication to be transplanted into English ground. We do not advise a mere translation, but some reformation of the first two volumes; so as to abandon the systematic classification which, under the head Jurisprudence, delivers one-third of what is said about Cicero, under the head Philosophy another third, and the rest under the head Eloquence: an abrupt and crumbled compilation of materials, which destroys the continuity of interest and the grace of connection. Still, the mass of useful and curious information collected is various, sufficiently condensed, well-proportioned, extensively derived, and judiciously selected. Something of patriotism might be exerted by an English translator, in bringing out rather more amply the services which our learned men have rendered to Latin philology.

ART. III. Histoire du Ministère du Cardinal de Richelieu, &c.; i.e. The History of the Administration of Cardinal Richelieu; with his Portrait. By A. JAY. 8vo. 2 Vols. PP. 779. Paris. 1816. Imported by De Boffe. Price 18s.

OUR attention was rather strongly excited on taking up these

volumes, on account both of the subject and of the writer. Richelieu was avowedly the greatest minister that appeared in France during several centuries, and the author of those improvements in the plan of government and condition of his APP. REV. Vol. LXXXI.

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country, which were productive of the far-famed strength and splendour of Louis XIV.: while M. JAY, though little known on our side of the Channel, excited notice in France, partly as a literary man, and more as a member of the Chamber of Representatives during the late interregnum. The public is aware that several pacific and disinterested characters, at the head of whom was Lanjuinais, stood forwards on that occasion without participating in the deceptions of Bonaparte, and without any intention of permitting him to revive his former despotic power; having been confidently assured by him and his adherents that he had come over from Elba with the consent of the British and Austrian governments, and that France would be allowed to remain in peace. Among the speeches delivered in the short session that ensued, those of M. JAY were indicative of good sense and moderation; a character which he maintains in the present historical sketch, without, however, acquiring the additional fame of an elegant or polished writer. The perusal of his history has partly confirmed and partly disappointed our expectations: but, as the subjects treated in it are of considerable interest, we shall afford our readers an ample opportunity of judging for themselves; beginning with passages explanatory of the unquiet state of France in the commencement of the seventeenth century, and directing our subsequent attention to her system of foreign politics.

The death of Henry IV. of France took place in 1610, and with him disappeared the prudent and vigorous system necessary to maintain tranquillity in a country replete with the seeds of dissension. His widow, Mary of Medicis, was proclaimed regent of the kingdom, but the reins of government soon dropped from her feeble hands and fell into those of her favourites. Public virtue may be said to have retired from court with the disinterested Sully, and to have left the field of intrigue open to the contentions of profligate ambition. In foreign politics, also, the course adopted was equally at variance with the maxims of Henry, and tended to a connection with the already too powerful family that was in possession of the crowns of Spain and Austria.

This new system of policy, directly contrary to the interests of the nation, weakened its influence abroad, and paved the way for the troubles which soon burst out in the interior. The Protestants were alarmed; and, anticipating new persecutions, they held secret conferences, chose leaders, and prepared to defend their privileges by force. In this state of things, there was no guarantee for the maintenance of order, personal safety, the security of property, or the most sacred rights of citizens, except in a vigilant exercise of the royal authority: but firmness and moderation formed no part of the character of the Queen or of her ministers,

who passed alternately from acts of despotism to acts of weakness; and, menacing or pusillanimous by turns, their conduct was such as to expose both the dignity of the crown and the interests of the subject. The Protestants, who no longer expected protection at court, became familiar with the idea of civil war; the states, whose policy and situation rendered them the natural allies of France, kept at a distance from a government blindly devoted to the cabinet of Madrid; while the nobles, the natural supporters of the court, sought for independence in revolt, and for aggrandizement in the public misfortunes. Fortified in their castles, and always in readiness to take up arms, they acknowleged no law but their caprices or their interests. The husbandmen were oppressed; the cities were without police; the highways were impassable, and infested with robbers. The people, without industry and without commerce, supported enormous taxes, the produce of which was lucrative only to the revenue-officers. The excessive profits of the contractors and farmers-general had introduced that ruinous luxury, which almost always accompanies public distress. The troops were ill paid, and lived at free quarters on the peasantry.. Finally, the laws had lost their force, and good citizens almost forbore to hope for a remedy to the misfortunes of their country; but, at the moment when the situation of France seemed desperate, a minister appeared in the King's council whom his qualities, and even his defects, rendered perhaps the only man capable of saving the state,'

Richelieu, whose political career was thus opened, had been educated for the church, and had attained the rank of Bishop of Concini, when the ministerial favourite of the day brought him into political employment. He was soon appointed to the office of one of the secretaries of state, and took part at first with Mary of Medicis in her contests with those who governed in the name of her son, Louis XIII. That Prince became in 1614, while yet a boy, the nominal king of France: but, as he grew up, he discovered scarcely any of the qualities of a sovereign, with the exception of courage in the field; being weak, superstitious, and devoid of political firmness. The appointment of Richelieu to the leading station in the ministry occurred in 1624, at a time when the fluctuating course of court-revolutions had enabled the Queen-regent to acquire an asendancy over her son, and to introduce to his confidence a minister whom she considered as likely to be the soother of her troubles and the docile instrument of her will. She possessed not peneration enough to see, under the mask of moderation, the energy of Richelieu's mind or the extent of his ambition; yet such were the vigour and address of this minister that, during the long period of twenty-four years, he retained possession of the confidence of Louis, in spite of the reiterated attempts of the Queen, the Queen-mother, her second son, and the majority of the grandees of the king

dom, to drive him from his station. He succeeded, indeed, not only in gratifying his personal ambition, but in accomplishing three points of great importance to the political prosperity of France; the termination of the wars of religion; the reduction of the aristocratic influence of the great fafamilies; and the counteraction of all the attempts of the house of Austria to subdue the Protestants of Germany.

We must not allow ourselves to follow even high authority (see Hume, reign of Charles I.) in supposing that Richelieu formed from his outset in office a regular plan to this effect, or that he had the choice of proceeding to the attainment of any one of these objects before the other: the fact was that circumstances obliged him to exert himself in one way at one time and differently at another: but on all occasions he discovered a vigilance and determination which enabled him to triumph over opposition.

The slightest inquiry into the internal situation of France will shew that the last edict of pacification had not been observed either by the Catholics or the Protestants. The former kept up a garrison near Rochelle in Fort Louis, the demolition of which had been expressly stipulated; the latter insulted the Catholics whereever the Protestant religion was predominant; and the two parties agreed only in one point, the spirit of intolerance, and in the use of names, such as Hugonot and Papist, calculated to inflame their mutual hatred. In this state of the minds of men, a spark was sufficient to produce a general conflagration; and this spark proceeded from England, which was then governed by the Duke of Buckingham, who preserved the same ascendancy over the mind of Charles I. that he had maintained over that of his father. He was possessed of shining qualities, but his conduct proved that he was grossly deficient in the solid qualifications of the states man: his early youth had been devoted to the seductions of pleasure, and a taste for romantic adventures never left him.

The Protestant leaders, the Duke of Soubise and his brother the Duke of Rohan, were then in London, making urgent instances for the protection of the British king in favour of their oppressed followers. They represented that, as long as their party subsisted, Charles might rely on their attachment equally with that of his own subjects: but, if they were once annihilated, France, delivered from that obstacle, would soon become formidable to England and the neighbouring nations. "What guarantee," said they, "can the French Protestants invoke for the preservation of their privileges, but the power of a king to whom they look as the head of their church, and who 'is engaged to assist them as much by interest as by inclination?" Charles could not resist these reasons, when supported by the solicitations of his favourite; and he fitted out a fleet of a hundred sail, in which he embarked seven thousand men, for the purpose of attempting a descent on the French coast. The command of these forces was intrusted to Buckingham, who

passed.

passed with his fleet within sight of Rochelle, and effected a landing in the isle of Rhé. (20th July 1627.)

Toiras, the governor of the isle of Rhé, not having been able to hinder the descent of the enemy, shut himself up in Fort Saint Martin: but four days, employed by the English in landing their military stores, gave him time to complete his stock of provisions, and to fortify, in a hasty way, the weak parts of the island. The Duke of Buckingham then marched his troops forwards in regular order, preceded by a numerous train of artillery, and laid siege to the citadel: when Toiras, foreseeing the extremity to which his garrison would soon be reduced, felt the necessity of informing the King of his situation, but the vigilance of the enemy prevented any vessel from crossing the strait. Three soldiers came forwards and volunteered the hazardous attempt; and their offer was accepted. Of these intrepid adventurers, one perished in the waves; the other, when sinking under fatigue, was saved by the crew of an English vessel; the third, after having struggled against the sea, exposed to the fire of the enemy and the pursuit of a boat, from which he escaped only by repeated diving, at last reached the coast. His exertions, however, had so completely exhausted his strength, that he was unable to walk, and it became necessary to carry him to the head-quarters of the French force stationed in the neighbourhood. History, too often unjust towards obscure merit, has preserved the name of this brave soldier. Solanier belonged to the regiment of Champagne, and was worthy of that corps so justly celebrated in our military annals.-Louis XIII., who was recovering from sickness when he received the dispatches of Toiras, replied to them himself, encouraging the Governor to prolong his defence, and promising him assistance. In the mean time, the English continued their attacks; and the garrison began to be in want of provisions, when a convoy consisting of thirty or forty sail left Sables d'Olonne, and, distancing their English pursuers, luckily ran aground at the foot of the citadel.'

This opportune supply of men and provisions, joined to the skilful arrangements of Toiras, baffled the efforts of Buckingham, and obliged him to leave the island with the loss of more than half his troops. The town of Rochelle, however, hoisted the standard of hostility to the French government, and sent deputies to intreat assistance at the court of London; in the hope that the access of supplies by sea would continue practicable, notwithstanding the superiority of the French army on shore. Richelieu, therefore, impressed with the importance of decisive measures, set out with the King to put himself at the head of the force destined to the reduction of the refractory city: but, deficient in artillery, and unskilful in the management of a siege, the French army could take no other effectual measures than by throwing a mole across the entrance of the harbour of Rochelle, and making a line of circumvallation on the land-side. The former was by much the more arduous under

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