himself at the head of the army, and the genius of Gustavus seemed once more to lead on his victorious bands. Order was reestablished in the left wing, which broke the Austrian right, and gained possession of the artillery placed on the heights. The Swedish infantry in the centre once more marched against the trenches, and the battery of seven cannon was again taken. The attack was continued with impetuosity against the battalions in the centre; and chance conspired with Swedish valour to hasten their defeat, the caissoons of the Imperialists having taken fire, and their grenades and bombs blowing up with a terrific explosion. The astonished troops supposed that they were surprized in the rear, while the Swedish brigades were attacking them in front: their courage was shaken; they saw their left wing yielding, their right on the point of giving way, and their artillery in the hands of the Swedes. The victory was almost decided; and the fortune of the day depended on a moment, when Pappenheim arrived with several regiments of cuirassiers and dragoons. All the advantages which the Swedes had obtained were now suspended, and a fresh battle must be fought.

The order to recall the Austrian General had found him at Halle, where he was taking some repose while his soldiers were finishing the pillage of the town. As it was impossible to collect the infantry with the promptitude required by the urgency of his orders and his own impatience, he made eight regiments of cavalry take their horses and proceed in all possible haste to Lutzen. He joined the Imperial army just in time to be a witness of the flight of its left wing, pursued by Gustavus Horn, and at first found himself surrounded by the fugitives: but his presence soon put a stop to the disorder; he rallied the flying troops, and led them back to meet the enemy; while, with the cavalry, he made a rapid charge on the Swedes, who, disordered by the exertion which had procured their success, gave way before the overpowering crowd. The arrival of Pappenheim, of which they had begun to despair, re-animated the courage of the Imperial infantry in the centre, and Walstein seized the favourable moment to re-form his line. The Swedish battalions now retired, in a compact mass, behind the trenches, and the Austrian battery was a second time relinquished. For a moment, the space between the armies was unoccupied, and the yellow regiment of Swedes, one of the bravest of those which signalized their valour on this bloody day, was seen extended on the field in the order in which it had fought. A regiment in blue underwent the same fate, being cut in pieces after a furious contest by Piccolomini, who attacked it at the head of the Imperial cavalry. Seven times, in the course of the day, did that excellent General renew the attack, and seven horses were killed under him.

All these efforts, however, could not fix the fortune of the day. The Swedes were now preparing a final attack; while, on the other side, Walstein was seen riding along the Austrian divisions, and exerting himself to the utmost to retain the victory which was on the point of deserting him. A fresh onset now took

place,

place, the brave Pappenheim received a mortal wound, and his death caused great discouragement among the Imperialists.The Swedes attacked with increasing fury; all the efforts of Walstein, Piccolomini, Colloredo, and other brave officers, were unable to resist their exertions; the Austrian army lost its artillery, a great number of colours, and abandoned the field of battle to the enemy.

< The whole plain from Lutzen to the canal was covered with the wounded, the dying, and the dead. After a long and toilsome search, the body of the King was at last discovered near the large stone which is still seen between the canal and Lutzen, and which since this memorable catastrophe bears the name of the "Stone of the Swedes." The death of Gustavus effaced all the splendour of the victory; and a mournful silence, interrupted only by sighs, prevailed throughout the camp. The King had not reached his thirty-eighth year when he was thus called away from his high destinies. His faithful companions in arms carried his body, bathing it with tears, first to a neighbouring village, and afterward to Weissenfels, whither the soldiers crowded to contemplate once more the features of their hero. Bernard, Duke of Saxe Weimar, following up his success and his vengeance, placed the funeral car of Gustavus at the head of his army, and drove before him Walstein and the Imperialists out of Saxony and Misnia.'

The fame of Walstein, which was expected to shine forth with double lustre on the fall of Gustavus, became eclipsed soon after that event. Instead of renewing the next campaign with vigour and activity, he kept his troops inactive, and soon gave reason to suspect that he entertained designs of rendering himself independent of his government: he is even said to have negotiated, first with the Saxons and eventually with the Swedes and French, for the support of these unjustifiable pretensions; and his last step was to make an appeal (in January 1634) to the principal officers in his own army. The majority discovered a disposition to receive his orders, and to co-operate with him in his projects, the ostensible object of which was to deliver the court of Austria from Spanish influence: but, no sooner was his real conduct ascertained at Vienna, than directions were sent to change the command, and to seize him and his principal officers. The main body of the soldiery proved loyal; and Walstein was obliged to withdraw with a few regiments, followed to Egra by a party who had taken a vow to rid the empire of this dangerous chief. Having invited his principal officers to an entertainment, they put them to death, and proceeded immediately afterward to the house of Walstein, who fell a victim to their fury, in his 50th year.

Walstein, elevated by fortune, and ruined by her, and admirable character, notwithstanding his defects, APP. REV. VOL. LXXXI.

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perhaps have been the first man of his age, had he not wished to be the most surprizing. The heroic qualities, prudence, justice, firmness, and courage, were conspicuous in him: but he wanted the milder virtues which embellish heroism and render power amiable. Prone to extremes in punishing as in rewarding, he succeeded in keeping the spirit of his soldiers in perpetual activity; and no General could boast of having been more zealously obeyed. He set a higher value on submission than on bravery, because the latter is a virtue limited to the soldier, while the former is the main instrument of the agency of the General. Arbitrary orders continually familiarized the troops with habits of subordination; and he rewarded any instance of eagerness to obey him, even in trifling matters, with liberality. His munificence was supported by an immense income, reckoned by some at not less than 100,000l. a-year. The pride and independence of his character made him enemies, who have perhaps been the chief cause of the clouds cast on his reputation; for, to speak impartially, it must be allowed that we owe the accounts of his actions to writers of no great authority; and that the suspicion of his designs on the crown of Bohemia is founded only on presumption. No documents have yet been discovered which explain to us the secret motives of his conduct with evidence worthy of history; and most of his public and undisputed actions may be attributed to commendable or at least to lawful motives. Several of his steps, which have been most strongly blamed, may bear the construction of a desire of peace; while others are to be explained by a well-founded distrust of the Emperor, and the natural anxiety of a public man to keep up his influence. His conduct to the electors of Bavaria proceeded indeed from an implacable and ungenerous spirit of revenge: but to charge him with treachery to his sovereign is an unauthorized stretch of the evidence against him.'

To this sketch from the pen of M. JAY, we subjoin another on the same subject by Sarrazin, a French writer nearly cotemporary with Walstein, and noted for his success in the delineation of character. Our readers will find, in his portrait of the German chief, several of the features that belong to a well-known personage of the present day, destined like himself to the greatest vicissitudes of fortune.

"Albert Walstein had a lofty and daring mind, but was restless and impatient of a tranquil life; his body was vigorous, his stature tall, and his countenance impressive rather than agreeable. He was naturally very sober, sleeping little, and always employed: he readily endured cold and hunger, was an enemy to pleasure, and overcame the gout, as he warded off other complaints, by dint of temperance and exercise. He spoke little, and thought much; executed all his writing himself; was valiant and judicious in war; admirable in levying and maintaining an army; severe in punishing and lavish in rewarding, yet doing both with discernment and judgment; always firm under misfortune; kind to those in want, but in other cases proud and haughty; immoderately ambitious;

severe in his vengeance, prone to anger, and apparently fond of show: but doing nothing without design; never wanting the pretence of public good, though all his efforts had evidently a direction to his personal aggrandizement; secretly despising religion, though he made it an engine of policy; employing artifice in every thing, particularly in appearing disinterested; vigilant and clear-sighted with regard to the designs of others, and extremely wary in conducting his own; above all, skilful in concealing them, and the more impenetrable as he assumed in public the appearance of frankness, and blamed in others that dissimulation which he always practised himself."

Internal affairs of France.-We now return to the domestic politics of France; and, in treating of these, it is proper to remark that M. JAY is by no means disposed to join in a notion too lightly taken up by Mr. Hume, that Richelieu was disagreeable to the Queen on account of his age and manners. He explains her dislike (vol. i. p. 71.) by ascribing it to a much more probable reason, the hostility of the Cardinal to the house of Austria, the immediate connection of that Princess. In carrying on the war of Germany, Richelieu had to combat not only the family-attachment of the Queen, but the secret arguments of the Catholic clergy; who sought to alarm the feeble Louis with the criminality of an alliance with heretics, and of an opposition to the efforts of a Catholic power. A curious specimen of these intrigues is given (vol. ii. p. 60.) in the case of Père Caussin, the King's confessor; who advocated the cause of the church in every possible way, until Richelieu found it necessary to replace him by a more subservient representative. In fact, every effort made against the minister, whether by females or clergymen, by courtiers or soldiers, ended in the discomfiture of the parties, and the farther consolidation of the Cardinal's power. The most serious and affecting event of this nature occurred in the case of Cing-Mars, a favourite of Louis; who after having been indebted for his elevation to the Cardinal, conceived himself of sufficient weight to join the opposite party, and entered into a treasonable correspondence with the Spanish court, the discovery of which brought him and his adherents to the scaffold. It was on this occasion that De Thou, the son of the historian, forfeited his life; and his fate, which was much regretted, was ascribed to an excess of vindictive feeling on the part of the Cardinal, since De Thou was found guilty of no other crime than that of not denouncing the treaty in question. He was not charged with conspiring against the Cardinal's life; a charge indeed which is but indistinctly brought forwards in these volumes, whether we refer to the

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conspiracy of Cinq-Mars, or to the previous project ascribed (vol. ii. p. 39.) in a very mysterious strain to the Princes of the blood. Society was happily emerging from the barbarism which gave a sanction to such odious attempts.

The French manners underwent a remarkable change about this period; they lost much of that roughness which is engendered in the midst of revolutions and civil wars; and, while love as a serious passion was perhaps weakened, attention to the fair sex made progress in all the classes of society. Part of this refinement in social intercourse is to be ascribed to the example of the court, and especially to the influence of the queens of the house of Medicis, and of Anne of Austria. The almost religious devotion shewn to ladies by the Italians and Spaniards modified the fickle vivacity of the French, and the result of the two was a style of behaviour between the sexes which was equally agreeable to both. The court had now become the centre both of business and elegant manners: the great lords forsook the country, lived at court, and augmented its splendour by their presence. It was there that they disputed for favour, places, and pensions; while, by mixing with the favourites of fortune and power, they effaced by degrees those distinctions of rank of which their ancestors had been so tenacious. On the other hand, by abandoning their castles in order to attend the levee of a prince or a minister, they lost their remaining independence and their antient authority; since the exorbitant expences which the great and the petty nobles were obliged to incur, to support their rank at public entertainments, and on other occasions of display, contributed, by diminishing their fortunes, to lessen the veneration which the people still preserved for their names. Alliances, which their ancestors would have scorned, repaired their fortunes, but did not restore the dignity of their families.

Religion still preserved in appearance all its influence. Since the civil wars, the attachment of the Catholics and the Protestants to external forms of worship had assumed the aspect of partyspirit, for their mutual hatred was restrained but not extinguished. Now that religious quarrels were no longer decided on the field of battle, controversial disputes had become more keen and more frequent; theological questions occupied the attention of all; and it was in particular to these thorny discussions that the art of writing, which was daily making fresh progress, was applied. This spirit of arguing became so much the ruling passion of the age, that those who signalized themselves in this way obtained great reputation, and found it sometimes the road to honour and fortune. Richelieu himself had at first figured as a controversialist, and did not desert this path to distinction till circumstances procured for him a place in the King's council.

At the period of which I speak the doctrinal part of religion occupied more attention than morality; and, by a necessary consequence, the public laid greater stress on the practice of religious ceremonies than on the duties of social life. In like manner,