their indignation, and hurry them into excesses; but that the original fault is in the government.

Instead, therefore, of keeping large standing armies on foot, devising new modes of punishment, and adopting measures of unconstitutional coercion, every real friend of humanity and good order must wish to see the Austrian and Prussian cabinets come forward, and having ascertained the wishes of that class, from which all political power emanates, cordially co-operate in the best means of re-establishing those FIRST PRINCIPLES, to a departure from which, may be traced all the evils under which the nations of Europe continue to groan.

According to the public papers, it appears, that another meeting of German diplomatists and ministers, is about to take place at Carlsbad: if true, this proves that the cabinets. are not totally indifferent to their danger; but they have a most difficult and delicate task to perform. This new assemblage ought to keep in mind, that the eyes of all Europe will be upon it, as they were directed towards

the last congress at AIX LA CHAPELLE; and that if it separates like the above, without some specific measure in favour of reform, the final crisis will only be thereby hastened. Experience is, however, against our indulging in any very sanguine hopes upon the subject; for unfortunately such meetings have invariably tended rather to abridge than enlarge the stock of European liberty.

With respect to the German press, while the degraded part of it is occupied in goading the already perturbed minds of the discontented on to despair, and brawling about the wisdom of ministers, the rights of legitimacy, together with a great deal of still more unintelligible jargon; as well as using arguments, which are above all others calculated to make the popular discontent ripen into revolution; it becomes the sacred. duty of those who advocate the rights of the people, to persevere in expostulating with the respective governments, in order that the latter may prevent anarchy by acts of necessary justice, rather than precipitate it, by measures of coercion, that will, most assur

edly, aggravate without curing the disease. It is in such times as these that the real friends of the country are known so that when those who have, on former occasions, advocated the principles of freedom, join in the abortive effort to stifle the irresistible voice of complaint, and stigmatize the cries of the people to be heard, we may safely exclaim in the language of our immortal bard:

Let no such men be trusted!

If there ever was a period, when the maxim of "measures, and not men," was essential to the repose and happiness of Europe, who can deny, that it has now arrived in Germany? And if we may be allowed to compare "great things with small," is there no analogy between the present times, and those which preceded the French revolution? It is true, indeed, that neither Germany or any other country may labour under those intolerable abuses which rendered that political tragedy in a manner a physical consequence; but is it not worth our while to inquire, whether the Tiers etat of Germany do not feel the many remains of feudal aristocracy existing in

that country, as keenly," as the same class did in France? By a parity of reasoning, may not the words of an acute observer of those causes which led to the catastrophe, be repeated with more than ordinary propriety, while contemplating the present state of some countries? In summing up his excellent account of those abuses which produced the revolution, Mr. Arthur Young very justly remarks : "The people will always suffer much and long, before they are effectually roused nothing, therefore, can kindle the flame, but such oppressions of some classes or order in the society, as give able men the opportunity of seconding the general mass. Discontent is contagious, and will soon diffuse itself around; AND IF THE GOVERNMENT TAKE NOT WARNING IN TIME, IT IS ALONE ANSWERABLE FOR ALL THE BURNINGS, PLUNDERINGS, DEVASTATION AND BLOODSHED THAT FOLLOW!"

London, August 10, 1819.

ALTHOUGH the numerous victims, whom the wild and vindictive passions of mankind immolate on the altars of envy or revenge, jealousy or fanaticism, are seldom regarded amidst the tumult and anxieties of this busy scene, with more than a momentary surprise, and transient regret; it not unfrequently becomes the province of history, to pause and meditate on some startling and ominous exception to the general rule. Such was the tragical end of Augustus Von Kotzebue, an event, not only of awful import to Germany, but well calculated to strike, with the impres siveness of a monitory lesson, upon the public mind of all Europe.

Kotzebue was a scholar of no mean pretensions; a writer at once voluminous and popular, he was consequently not without a certain degree of influence over the opinions of his fellow country

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