of Interest and Amount; and the State of Cash remaining in their Treasury, and Britain and Afloat Outward, on the 1st May 1828. TERRITORIAL BRANCH. ASSETS. By Exports of Military Stores, &c. with Amount remaining unshipped 571,309 19,932 ... 51,015 31,662 Value of College Haileybury, and Military Seminary at Addiscombe 102,000 4,325 £1,759,361 BRANCH. By what due from Public to Company, East-India Annuities engrafted on the 3 per cent. reduced, per Act 33 Geo. 3 c. 47 £1,207,560 Cargoes from England of 1826-27, not arrived in India and China Owing from sundry Persons for Advances re-payable in England 6,221 Trustees of Deccan Booty, re-payable with Interest................. This Balance is subject to reduction, by the Amount of the Advances made in India from the Territorial Branch to the Commercial Branch, in the Indian Official Years 1826-27 to 1827-28; the Documents whereby the Amount of these Advances is to be ascertained, have not as yet been received from India, but which, it is estimated, may amount to £6,067,292; which will leave a Balance due to the Commerce, of £4,636,984. In the period from 1st May 1814 to 1st May 1828, there has also been advanced or set apart from the Surplus Commercial Profits in England, the sum of £4,840,955 towards the liquidation of Indian Territorial Debt, which being a payment under the 4th head of Appropriation of the 57th Section of the 53d Geo. 3d, is not held to constitute a claim upon the Territorial Department for re-payment, upon the principle ob served in respect to other Territorial Advances. The Home Bond Debt is stated without specific application to either branch of the Company's Affairs, it not being determined to what extent the Debt had its origin, from political causes. East-India House, (Errors excepted.) THOS. G. LLOYD, ESTIMATE OF AMOUNT OF PROCEEDS of Sale of Goods, AND OTHER RECEIPTS, CHArges, AND PAYMENTS, IN GREAT BRITAIN, FROM 1ST MAY 1828 TO 1ST MAY 1829. POLITICAL AND TERRITORIAL BRANCH. RECEIPTS. BILLS of Exchange for Supplies to His Majesty's Government £81,015 ...... 350,000 8,529 £439,544 PAYMENTS. BILLS of Exchange from India........ £796,054 Ditto.............. from Persia 120,000 Military, Garrison, Marine, and other Public Stores...... Carnatic Debts, Interests and Charges payable from the Carnatic Funds 100,400 2,400 Political Charges, General, and Advances re-payable........................... Payments on account Retiring Pay, &c. of King's Troops in India On account of Naval Forces provided for East-Indies COMMERCIAL BRANCH. To be received for Company's Goods Private-Trade Goods, sold before 1st May 1828 280,000 RECEIPTS. Interest on the Annuities 36,226 Charges on Private-Trade 100,000 Dividends on Stock standing in the Company's name.... 26,544 Remittances from North American Colonies on account of Proceeds of Tea 82,454 7,000 Re-payment, with Interest of Advances, made and to be made from the 350,000 £6,046,618 Balance in favour 1st May 1828 (exclusive of Duty on Tea)................................... Proprietors of Private-Trade, for Goods sold before 1st May 1828 Buyers of Tea Returned Warrants passed the Court unpaid........... Trustees of the Deccan Booty; further Advance to be made to them 500,000 178,800 677,479 971 120,600 50,000 Balance in favour, 1st May 1829 .... ... 135,829 £6,798,800 THEORIES OF THE SANSCRIT LANGUAGE. Professor Dugald Stewart, in his Philosophy of the Human Mind, has supposed, from the alleged striking affinity between the Greek and the Sanscrit languages (the estimate of which affinity he has derived from the information of others, not from his own knowledge of Sanscrit), that the latter was fabricated from the Greek by the Brahmins within two generations after Alexander's invasion of India, and brought to perfection upon the Greek model in the first century anterior to the Christian era. An elaborate article, evidently from the pen of Mr. Wilson, in reply to this theory, has appeared at Calcutta,* and we insert an abridgment of this curious disquisition. That the brief period of Alexander's invasion, and the nominal subjection of one or two Indian princes to his successors, in Syria, could have produced any marked and permanent impression upon the people of India, is to conceive effects wholly disproportional to their causes, and cannot be admitted, in the absence of any thing like positive proof. That the connexion between India and Bactria was more likely to leave traces of its existence, is possible in proportion to its longer duration; but the circumstances under which that was maintained, were also very unfavourable to the communication of the Greek language, literature, and science to the Hindus. The occupation of Bactriana by the Greeks originated in the division of the force left there by Alexander on his way to India, which was between 11,000 and 12,000 strong, and was probably more Asiatic and barbarian than Grecian, as he could not have weakened himself by parting with his best troops on the eve of encountering new and powerful enemies. The kingdom existed only about 130 years, during which period little or no communication appears to have been maintained with the parent country. What effect could this handful of Greeks have produced upon the language and literature of the country, in which they were domesticated, and amidst a far more numerous population? For Bactriana is described as a rich and populous country, and the Greeks must have been thinly scattered, in command of military posts, and in the duties of the government. What effect has the residence of Europeans in India, in considerable numbers, for three centuries, produced upon India? What effect did eight centuries of Mohammedan rule, and a vast admixture of Mohammedan population, produce upon the Hindus? and what influence did the long intercourse of the Greeks with Persia, and their final subjugation of it, exercise upon the language, literature, manners, and religion of that country? In fact, history shews that the Greeks in Persia became Persians; and no doubt those in Bactriana were changed, in a few generations, into Bactrians. The wider difference of religious belief and social organization prevents Mohammedans and Christians from becoming Hindus: but the descendants of the Patans, and even of the Portuguese, are very nearly akin in other respects to the natives of Hindustan. A close examination of this part of the subject, and a reference to the experience of ages, shew that the existence of Greek rule over Bactria, for little more than a century, was fully as unlikely, as the few months' invasion of Alexander, to have wrought any important change in the condition, or the feelings, or tastes, of the Hindus. The real nature of the temporary connexion of the Greeks with Persia and Bactriana is well made out by Major Vans Kennedy, in an essay in the Bom * In the Quarterly Oriental Magazine, No. XIII. Asiatic Journ.VOL.26. No. 151. Ꭰ bay bay Transactions, which every one, before he makes the latter a pis aller, in accounting for the relation between Greek and Sanscrit, would do well to read. All these considerations, however, are nothing to the professor, or to his great authority, Meiners, who is himself following the very unsatisfactory proofs furnished by Bayer-one blind man leading another. These philosophers conclude, that the Hindus must have derived all their science and philosophy from the Greeks of Bactriana, and that, not chusing to borrow the language, but wanting terms to express their new ideas, as well as to conceal those ideas from other castes, they set to work to invent a new language. Meiners thinks, with good reason, that several generations would be required for this purpose; but the disciple makes light of the difficulty, and thinks that a much shorter period would suffice, "for with the Greek language before them as a model, and their own language as the raw material, where would be the difficulty of manufacturing a different idiom, borrowing from the Greek the same or nearly the same system, in the flexions of nouns and conjugations of verbs, and thus disguising, by new terminations and a new syntax, their native dialect ?" But the Professor forgets that there was the Greek language to learn, and the whole body of its science to acquire, before the one would be interpreted, or the other was required, for its interpretation. This theory also only explains the adoption of the Greek grammar; but whence was the raw material derived, if that in its simple uninflected form, and not in abstract, but most familiar terms, bore just as strong a resemblance to Greek, as in its grammatical construction? To say that the Hindus borrowed the grammar, is helping us out of one difficulty only; but we shall have occasion to revert to this subject, and shall not dilate upon it here. The proofs the Professor adduces of the feasibility of this process, is the fraud of Psalmanazar, and the Maccaronic, or kitchen Latin of the monks. The arbitrary invention of an individual, unintelligible to all but himself, is a very different thing from the construction of a highly complex and systematic form of speech, recognized and cultivated over a vast extent of country: and the kitchen Latin, however barbarous the compound, was the result of a long and learned course of study, and the cultivation of Latin for centuries. There is no proof nor probability of any analogous use of Greek in India, anterior to the appearance of Sanscrit, in any composition in which it is to be found. The language, thus invented, was, according to the Professor's theory, gradually carried to perfection between the days of Alexander and the æra of Christianity. In conjecturing this to have been the case, he asserts, that the language was never contaminated by the lips of the vulgar-a fact of which there is no sort of proof. It is a great mistake to suppose Sanscrit incapable of being adapted to the ordinary details of life, and ample evidence to the contrary occurs in the numerous domestic tales, and in the dramas of the Hindus; nor does the prohibition to utter sacred texts imply any injunction to abstain from speaking the language. If we cannot adduce positive proof that Sanscrit was once the spoken language of India, there is neither direct nor indirect evidence of the contrary. As to the date assigned for the perfection of the language, it rests upon a supposition only of Mr. Colebrooke's, that many elegant writers flourished at that time-that is to say, in the reign of Vikramaditya, or 56 years A.C. That so many classical writers should have appeared so soon after Alexander's time is to be explained only, Mr. Stewart thinks, by the impetus, which the minds of the Hindus had received, and the new light they had acquired, by their recent intercouse with the Greeks and Persians. Persians. It seems, however, a very insufficient interval for the extensive and profound acquirement of a foreign language the fabrication of a new one upon its model—and the multiplication of classical writers, most of whom, if there be any truth in the tradition on which their existence at this period rests, flourished at Ougein, far from the scene of Alexander's conquests, and the sphere of Grecian or Persian intercourse. Mr. Stewart proceeds: "according to the idea which has been suggested, we may expect to find Sanscrit as widely diffused as the order of Brahmans; indeeed, if there be any foundation for the foregoing conjectures, it was probably in the possession of every Brahman, in the course of one or two generations after Alexander's invasion." Writers in Europe talk of Brahmins as if they were an order of Franciscans or Dominicans, in Spain or Italy, under a common chief, and all subject to the Pope. They forget the vast extent of India, the immense numbers that inhabit it, and that the Brahmins form a very large proportion of the population; that they have nothing in common, except their birth, and a thread of cotton over one shoulder, and that they pursue all the reputable occupations of social life like any other class of men. They are, in fact, a numerous and powerful nation, from which the chief functionaries, both of the religion and the civil government of the state, should be chosen; but they are no priesthood, and have no hierarchy. To suppose a simultaneous combination of perhaps twenty millions of men to make and learn a new language, and teach it to their children, so that in two generations every Brahmin should gabble a jargon unknown to his grandsire, is a monstrous absurdity; and even if we restrict the assertion to those Brahmins who made study their peculiar avocation, we shall still have numbers and space to contend with, and the absence of all possible conspiracy or combination. It may be asked also, if the Hindus were ignorant of science and philosophy before Alexander's invasion, how came so numerous a portion to be suddenly seized with such a passion for it, and if they were untaught in the rudiments of literature, how came they to conceive the idea of modelling their own language on the Greek grammar, and execute it with such rapid success? If they were addicted to literature and philosophical speculation before Alexander's time, as we know they were, why should they not have also had a cultivated language? The Professor states, that many proofs might be given that a knowledge of Greek was spread over India soon after the Christian era. It were to be wished that he had favoured us with these proofs. The one he does give, a Greek letter to Augustus from an India prince, is any thing but satisfactory. The existence of such a letter rests on mere gossip. Nicolaus Damascenus told Strabo he had seen it: but allowing that such a letter was sent, it is very improbable that the prince wrote it himself, and even then it proves nothing. The Nawab of the Carnatic addressed an English petition to an English parliament, and the Raja of Tanjore writes English as well as Tamil it does not therefore follow that all their subjects, or even any num ber of them, are acquainted with the English language, and we know that they are not. The quotation from Richardson, stating that "the language of Greece was early cultivated in the East" is uncandid; for Richardson is speaking of the times of the lower empire, and the countries bordering on the Mediterranean-India was no more in his contemplation than Mexico or Peru. The Professor next adverts to the mention made by Mr. Wilkins of the extent to which Sanscrit enters into the spoken dialects of Hindustan, and observes, that as the learned language in use amongst the priests (quasi Brah |