such severities as are unpractised, and will scarcely be credited by civilized nations.

The enemy, unable to make any impression on the northern states, the number of whose inhabitants, and the strength of whose country, had baffled their repeated efforts, turned their views to the southern, which, difference of circumstances afforded some expectation of conquering, or at least of distressing. After a long resistance, the reduction of Charleston was effected by the vast superiority of force with which it had been besieged. The loss of that garrison, as it consisted of the continen. tal troops of Virginia and the Carolinas, and of a number of militia, facilitated the enemy's march into the country, and the establishment of strong posts on the upper and interior parts of it; and the unfavourable issue of the action near Camden, induced them vainly to imagine, that no other army could be collected, which they might not easily defeat. The militia commanded by the brigadiers Marion and Sumpter, whose enterprising spirit and unremitted perseverance, under many difficulties, are deserving of great applause, harrassed, and often defeated large parties: but the numbers of those militia were too few to contend effectually, with the collected strength of the enemy. Regardless, therefore, of the sacred ties of honour, destitute of the feelings of humanity, and determined to extinguish, if possible, every spark of freedom in this country, they, with the insolent pride of conquerors, gave unbounded scope to the exercise of their tyrannical despotism, infringed their public engagements, and violated the most solemn capitulations. Many of our worthiest citizens, were, without cause, long and closely confined, some on board of prison ships, and others in the town and castle of St. Augustine.

But I can now congratulate you, and I do so most cordially, on the pleasing change of affairs, which, under the blessing of God, the wisdom, prudence, address and bravery of the great and gallant general Greene, and the intrepidity of the officers and men under his command, has been happily effected. A general, who is justly entitled, from his many signal services, to honorable and signal marks of your approbation and gratitude. His successes have been more rapid and complete than the most sanguine could have expected. The enemy compelled to surrender or evacuate every post which they

held in the country; frequently defeated and driven. from place to place, are obliged to seek refuge under the walls of Charleston, or in the islands in its vicinity. We have now the full and absolute possession of ev ery other part of the state; and the legislate execu tive and judicial powers, are in the free exercise of their respective authorities. The interest and honour, the safety and happiness of our country, depend so much. on the result of your deliberations, that I'flatter myself you will proceed in the weighty business before you, with firmness and temper, with vigour, unanimity and despatch. Lees' Memoirs of the Southern War.

Extract from Mr. Ames' Speech on the British Treaty.

IF any should maintain that the peace with the Indians will be stable without the posts, to them I will urge another reply. From arguments calculated to produce conviction, I will appeal directly to the hearts of those who hear me, and ask whether it is not already planted there? I resort especially to the convictions of the western gentlemen, whether, supposing no posts and no treaty, the settlers will remain in security? Can they take it upon them to say, that an Indian peace, under these circumstances, will prove firm? No, Sir, it will not be peace, but a sword; it will be no better than a lure to draw victims within the reach of the tomahawk.

On this theme, my emotions are unutterable. If I could find words for them, if my powers bore any proportion to my zeal, I would swell my voice to such a note of remonstrance, it should reach every log-house beyond the mountains. I would say to the inhabitants, wake from your false security. Your cruel dangers, your more cruel apprehensions are soon to be renewed: The wounds yet unhealed, are to be torn open again. In the day time your path through the woods will be ambushed. The darkness of the night will glitter with the blaze of your dwellings. You are a father-the blood of your sons shall fatten your corn-field. You are a mother-the war whoop shall wake the sleep of the cradle.

On this subject you need not suspect any deception on your feelings. It is a spectacle of horror which cannot be over-drawn. If you have nature in your hearts, they will speak a language, compared with which, all I have said, or can say, will be poor and frigid.

Will it be whispered, that the treaty has made me a a new champion for the protection of the frontiers; it is known that my voice, as well as vote, have been uniformly given in conformity with the ideas I have expressed. Protection is the right of the frontiers; it is our duty to give it.

Who will accuse me of wandering out of the subject? Who will say that I exaggerate the tendencies of our measures? Will any one answer by a sneer, that all this is idle preaching? Would any one deny that we are bound, and I would hope to good purpose, by the most solemn sanctions of duty, for the vote we give? Are republicans unresponsible! Have the principles on which you ground the reproach, upon cabinets and kings, no practicable influence, no binding force? Are they merely themes of idle declamation, introduced to decorate the morality of a newspaper essay, or to furnish pretty topics of harangue from the windows of that state house? I trust it is neither too presumptuous, nor too late to ask, Can you put the dearest interest of society at risk, without guilt, and without remorse?

It is vain to offer as an excuse, that public men are not to be reproached for the evils that may happen to ensue from their measures. This is very true, where they are unforeseen or inevitable. Those I have depicted are not unforeseen; they are so far from inevitable, we are going to bring them into being by our vote. We choose the consequences, and become as justly answerable for them as for the ineasure that we know will produce them.

By rejecting the posts, we light the savage fires, we bind the victims This day we undertake to render account to the widows and orphans whom our decision will make, to the wretches that will be roasted at the stake, to our country, and I do not deem it too serious to say, to conscience and to God, we are answerable; and if duty be any thing more than a word of imposture, if conscience be not a bugbear, we are preparing to make ourselves as wretched as our country.

There is no mistake in this case, there can be none.Experience bas already been the prophet of events, and the cries of our future victims have already reached us. The western inhabitants are not a silent and uncomplaining sacrifice. The voice of humanity issues from the shade of the wilderness. It exclaims that while one hand is held up to reject this treaty, the other grasps a tomahawk. It summons our imagination to the scenes that will open. It is no great effort of the imagination to conceive that events so near are already begun. I can fancy that I listen to the yells of savage vengeance, and the shrieks of torture. Already they seem to sigh in the western wind; already they mingle with every echo from the mountains. American Speaker,

Speech of Mr. Noland, in the Virginia Legislature, on the passage of the Bill to suppress Duelling.

MR. SPEAKER-The bill which has been read, is one which claims the serious attention of this house; it is one in which every member of this body, in which every citizen of Virginia, is deeply interested. The practice of duelling seems to me but an unnatural graft of genuine courage, growing out of a barbarous age; for we find that it was first introduced by the Goths and Vandals, during the days of their ignorance and barbarism. The polite and polished nations of Greece and Rome, who were ever prodigal of their blood, when in defence of their country's rights, knew nothing of this detestable practice, which appears to me to be built on an infinity of absurdities because, while it seems to suppose that a man's honour ought to be dearer to him than his life, it at the same time supposes, that his honour is in the power of every unprincipled villain that can invent, or tell a lie, or every careless or ill-bred person, that may jostle him in his way: it supposes that a lie may become true and honourable, provided the person who tells it is willing to fight in support of it; and that any crime whatever may become honourable, by fighting in its defence; it supposes that the man who is covered with guilt, who has wounded the peace of his friend, by staining the charac

ter of his wife, or of his daughter, becomes at once am honourable man, by heroically washing out their stains in the blood of the husband or the father: it farther supposes, that it is better for a man to be condemned by his own conscience, and by the virtuous and rational part of mankind, than to suffer one moment in the opinion of the advocates for duelling;-finally, that steel and gunpowder are the true diagnosticks of innocence and moral excellency. If Sir, having seized the villain who had violated my wife, I should bring him before a tribunal of justice, what would be your opinion of the judge who should order that I, the innocent, injured man, must cast lots with the guilty, which of us must die.-Would not your heart chill at such a sentence? Would not you pronounce it contrary to reason, to common sense and justice? You surely would-In the case of duelling, the public is the judge. I receive an injury for which nothing but life can atone, I do not appeal to the public; no, Sir, the public officiously interferes and condemns me under the penalty of perpetual disgrace, to cast lots with the aggressor, which of us must die. Was there ever any thing more preposterous! More abominably absurd! It is the opinion of many, Sir, that duelling is an evil which will correct itself; while others say, it is of little concern to the rational and virtuous part of mankind, in what manner knaves and fools may think proper to rid the world of each other, as it will not deprive society of one valuable member; but daily experience convinces us, that both these opinions are incorrect; for while the evil is growing to an enormous height, we find that some of our best citizens have exposed their individual lives, while others have fallen victims to this abominable practice; and will the collected wisdom of this commonwealth make no effort to suppress this sanguinary and growing evil? Will the enlightened ligislature of Virginia make no stand against the current of public opinion? I hopeI trust they will. Sir, so long as it is belived, that the practice of duelling is sanctioned by public opinion, there is no man, who is anxious to maintain his social standing, can refuse, what is called an honourable call. No matter how much his moral and religious principles may be opposed to the practice: no matter, though he may have a wife and children depending on his exertions for their daily bread; no matter how great claims his country may