have on his talents, in critical and trying times; he loses sight of all in the dreadful idea of being stigmatized as a coward-Pejusque letho flagitiun timet-he seizes the fatal weapon-he marches to the combat, receives the fatal wound, and leaves a disconsolate widow and a number of helpless orphans, to mourn their irreparable loss. This, Sir, is not fancy, these are scenes which frequently, very frequently, pass in review before us.Pass this bill, Sir, and you put a stop to the evil-pass this bill and you place a shield between the man of feeling and the public opinion-you raise a barrier in the road to honour and preferment, at which the ambitious man will pause and reflect, ere he rashly engages in a due!-pass this bill, and I will venture to predict, that you will preserve the lives of many, very many valuable citizens.

Had a similar law passed at your last session, Mr. Speaker, it would have been attended with the best of consequences. We should not now be lamenting the loss of a Pope, a Hooe, and a Smith.-On us, in part, rests the blame of robbing society of those able and useful members-on us, Sir, in part, rests the blame of prepar ing affliction for the widow's heart, of filling the orphan's eye with tears, and bringing trouble and misfortune on numerous relatives. As fathers, then, as brothers, as men and as legislators, I call on this house to suppress an evil which strikes at you in all those tender relations-I call on you to raise your hands against a crime, the disgrace of the land and the scourge of our peace-I call on you to set an example worthy of yourselves and of those you represent; and should this bill not have the desired ef fect, you will enjoy the satisfaction of having performed your duty. Before I sit down I give notice, I shall call for the ayes and noes. I am anxious to have my name recorded on this question. I wish to enter my protest against duelling. There are some gentlemen, Mr. Speaker, far be it from me to insinuate that there are any in this assembly, who, though opposed to the principle of duelling, do not wish to proclaim their sentiments to the world, lest they should be suspected of a want of fortitude: I, Sir, have no such fears: for I, never did suppose the fighting of a duel a mark of fortitude :-No, Sir, true fortitude is a cardinal virtue, depending on, and inseperable from other virtues-it is that firm,manly intrepidity of soul, which enables us to meet danger in critical and

trying situations-it is the virtuous man's shield, by which he defends himself from the evils of the world-it is the anchor which keeps him steady amidst the storms and hurricanes of life. The intrepidity or courage of a duellist, although it seems to imitate, cannot be said to be a virtue; because it is not the object of moral virtue. Ibid.

Final Speech of DR. FRANKLIN, in the late Federal Convention.

MR. PRESIDENT,

I CONFESS that I do not entirely approve of this constitution at present: but, Sir, I am not sure I shall never approve it; for having lived long, I have experienced many instances of being obliged by better information, or further consideration, to change opinions even on important subjects, which I once thought right, but found to be otherwise. It is therefore, that the older I grow, the more apt am I to doubt my own judgement, and pay more respect to the judgement of others. Most men, indeed, as well as most sects of religion, think themselves in possession of all truth, and that whenever others differ from them, it is so far error. Steel, a protestant, in a dedication, tells the Pope, "that the only difference between our two churches, in their opinions, of the certainty of their doctrines, is the Roman church is infallible and the church of England never in the wrong." But, though many private persons think almost as highly of their own infallibility as of that of their own sect, few express it so naturally as a certain French lady, who in a little dispute with her sister, said, I dont know how it happens, but I meet with nobody but myself that is always in the right. Il n'y a que moi qui a toujours raison. In these senti ments, Sir, I agree to this constitution, with all its faults, if they are such; because I think a general government necessary for us, and there is no form of government but what may be a blessing, if well administered, and I believe farther, that this is likely to be well administered for a course of years, and can only end in despotism, as other forms have done before it, when the people shall be

come so corrupted as to need despotic government, being incapable of any other. I doubt, too, whether any other convention we can obtain, may be able to make a better constitution. For when you assemble a number of men, to have the advantage of their joint wisdom, you assemble with those men, all their prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion, their local interests, and their selfish views. From such an assembly, can a perfect production be expected? It therefore astonishes me, Sir, to find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does; and I think it will astonish our enemies, who are waiting with confidence, to hear that our councils are confounded, like those of the builders of Babylon, and that our states are on the point of separation, only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting each other's throats.

Thus, I consent, Sir, to this constitution-because I expect no better, and because I am not sure that this is not the best. The opinion I have had of its errors, I sacrifice to the public good. I have never whispered a syllable of them abroad. Within these walls they were born; and here they shall die. If every one of us, in returning to our constituents, were to report the objections he has had to it, and endeavour to gain partizans in support of them," we might prevent its being generally received, and thereby lose all the salutary effects and great advantages resulting naturally in our favour among foreign nations, as well as among ourselves, from our real or apparent unanimity. Much of the strength and efficiency of any government, in procuring and securing happiness to the people, depend on opinion; on the general opinion of the goodness of that government, as well as of the wisdom and integrity of its governors.

I hope, therefore, that for our own sakes, as a part of the people, and for the sake of our posterity, we shall act heartily and unanimously in recommending this constitution, wherever our influence may extend, and turn our future thoughts and endeavours to the means of having it well administered.

On the whole, Sir, I cannot help expressing a wish, that every member of the convention, who may still have objections, would with me, on this occasion, doubt a little of his own infallibility, and to make manifest our unanimity, put his name to this instrument.

Life of Franklin.

Speech of PATRICK HENRY, delivered in the house of delegates of Virginia, in support of his motion to put the colony in a state of defence against the encroachments of Great Britain, March, 1775.

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the house. But different men often see the same subjects in different lights, and therefore, I hope, it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentle. men, if I should speak my sentiments freely and without -reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the house is one of awful moment to this country -for my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery. In proportion to the magnitude of the subject, ought to be the freedom of the debate-It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions, at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty towards the majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

MR. PRESIDENT, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that syren, till she traduces our judgements. Is it the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern our temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it might cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it. I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future, but by the past; and, judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes, with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the house? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, Sir, it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition, comports with those warlike preparations

which cover our waters and darken our land? Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation ? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, Sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation-the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask, gentlemen, Sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies ? No, Sir, she has none: they are meant for us: they can be meant for no other purpose-they are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains, which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we any thing new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable, but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find, which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, Sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done every thing that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned-we have remonstrated-we have supplicated-we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition, to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne.

In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-if we mean to preserve inviolate, those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending-if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained-we must fight! I repeat it, Sir, we must fight.-An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts, is all that is left us.

M