General Johnson was wounded early in the action, and General Lyman did the fighting, for which Johnson, who makes no mention of him, received a baronetcy, and Parliament voted him 5000 pounds sterling. Satisfied with this achievement, he rested inactive the remainder of the season, and failed to effect the object of his expedition. This victory, however, retrieved the honour of the English arms, and restored confidence among the people. Thus terminated a campaign, which, for want of energy in council to devise, and vigour in the field to execute, effected nothing but a great destruction of life, and the infliction of all the accumulated horrors of savage and civilized warfare upon a bleeding community, and the two nations remained in statu quo ante bellum. CHAPTER IV. Formal Declaration of War between France and England-Meeting of Provincial Governors-Plan of Campaign-Quarrel among the Officers-Marquis de Montcalm takes and destroys Fort Oswego-Lord Loudon at the Head of Affairs. ALTHOUGH hostilities had been carried on for several years, no formal declaration of war was made by England against France, until June 9, 1756. France declared war against England soon after. The plan for the campaign of 1756 was nearly the same as that for 1755; and the result was similar. The provincial governors met at New York, and it was determined that an army of 10,000 men should be raised, and marched against Crown Point; 6000 for Niagara; and 3000 for fort Du Quesne. While the officers were quarrelling among themselves about a resolution, placing the British officers over the provincials of the same rank; and about the expediency of attacking fort Niagara, or Du Quesne, the Marquis de Montcalm, the able and enterprising successor of Dieskau, decided the matter for them, by showing that they were to do neither. This officer, with an army of about 8000 regulars, Canadians and Indians, invested the fort at Oswego, on the south side of Lake Ontario. His artillery played so successfully upon the fort, that in a few days it was taken and destroyed. This was one of the most important English posts held in America. The capture of it opened to the enemy both lake Erie and lake Ontario, together with the country of the Five Nations. 1600 men were taken prisoners; and 120 pieces of cannon, fourteen mortars, several sloops of war, and 200 boats, fell into the hands of the victors. The Earl of Loudon, now at the head of affairs in America, arrived at Albany and took his station. Receiving intelligence of the destruction of the fort at Oswego, he recalled General Winslow of Massachusetts, who was on his march towards Crown Point, and ordered him to fortify his own camp. All offensive operations being relinquished, the garrisons were filled with British troops, and nearly all the provincial forces were sent home. Here ends the second lesson to the British Parliament. The expedition against Niagara was not commenced, and that against Du Quesne almost forgotten. Whether Lord Loudon was governed in his decisions, or rather indecisions, by dreams and omens, by whim and caprice; or by taking the advice of every body, in regular order; he was certainly not the man to cope with Montcalm. CHAPTER V. Council at Boston-Efforts of the British Parliament-Expedition against Louisburg-Siege of Fort William Henry-Horrible Massacre by the Savages-Burning of the Fort. Ar the commencement of 1757 a council was held at Boston, composed of Lord Loudon and the governors of the New England provinces and of Nova Scotia. Here his lordship proposed that New England should raise 4000 men, and New York and New Jersey should raise a proportionate number. In the meantime, the British Parliament had made preparation to prosecute the war. In July, 1757, about 6000 troops arrived at Halifax, on their way to effect the reduction of Louisburg, (at least, they thought so,) on the island of Cape Breton. The colonists had raised troops destined for the reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point; but they now learned, to their astonishment and regret, that their Protean commander-in-chief had changed his mind, and that now, the reduction of Louisburg was the one grand object in contemplation. The colonists were obliged to obey, and Loudon proceeded to join the British armament at Halifax. His lordship appears to have been one of those unlucky fellows who are always just in time to be too late. The French received very large reinforcements, both of land and naval forces, from France, before Loudon was ready to sail, and deeming it rather a dangerous experiment to proceed, he abandoned the expedition and returned to New York. During the absence of the principal part of the British army, the Marquis de Montcalm conceived the design of taking the forts on lake George. He advanced with an army of about 9000 men, and laid siege to fort William Henry, situated on the north side of the lake. The garrison consisted of 3000 men, under the command of Colonel Monro, who made a most gallant resistance for six days, keeping the enemy at bay, while he sent to General Webb, apprising him of his situation, and asking his aid. Webb was at fort Edward, only four miles distant, with an army of 4000 men. Whether the General thought of the lead colic, or had a peculiar aversion to villanous saltpetre, (for men do sometimes get an unaccountable and peculiar aversion to being shot,) or whether he was governed in his conduct by motives of a prudential character, is worthy our consideration. It is certain, his aid was withheld without any apparent excuse for his heartless indifference to the perilous situation of his brethren in arms, who were obliged to surrender. They claimed and obtained at least the promise of an honourable capitulation, and a pledge of protection from Montcalm, against the Indians under his command. But no sooner had they marched out of the fort and deposited their arms, than the Indians were permitted to enter their lines, to commence the work of plunder, cruelty and death. The defenceless soldiers were attacked with fiendish fury by the savages, who, while butchering and scalping their victims, seemed to delight in their yells and groans, and frantic shrieks of anguish and despair. This horrid scene continued until 1500 were killed or carried captives into the wilderness. This has fixed a dark spot upon the character of Montcalm, which will always haunt the history of his achievements like some hideous monster, grinning awfully over a victory of the heart of the valiant. Attempts have been made to wipe away the curse, but every age and country, like an immense jury, will try and condemn his conduct again. It has been said that he could not restrain the ferocity of the savages; but could he not make the attempt? Could not 7000 men restrain 2000? Could not Montcalm provide the stipulated guard which Monro begged and implored him in vain to do, to save his brave companions? With these facts before us, we will not, we cannot listen to the sophistical arguments of the defenders of guilt. Now draw the curtain aside and look for yourself at a scene that makes humanity bleed at every pore. It is the fort and its vicinity the day after the massacre. The fort is a heap of smoking ruins; the buildings are still burning; here are arms, hands, and many other fragments of the human body broiling in the fire! there are heaps of dead bodies all around you with the scalps torn off. But now think of the deep horrors and voiceless woe of those who are tortured in captivity! Imagine among them a father, a brother, or a friend. Imagine yourself a victim of torture, and then I ask you what think you of Montcalm? What think you of Webb? Would you be leaning to the side of mercy by shielding them from indignation and scorn? Or would you rather defend the officers than the soldiers? The common soldier has rights as well as his superiors. He has a heart to feel, a hand to strike, and an arm to save. His influence, his power, in the aggregate, must be respected, and we will defend his rights against his superiors, whether friend or foe. While we are determined to guard with the most scrupulous care against wronging the memory of any man, we shall freely express our uncompromising detestation against the heartless deeds of such fiends incarnate, instead of extenuating their guilt, as some historians have done. History is the monitor of the future, teaching by the experience of the past faithfully delineated; but if the inexcusable wholesale murders and unjustifiable barbarities, or even the cowardice or cold indifference of men to aid those they are bound by sacred duty, or solemn contract, to protect, are to be blotted from its pages, it fails in its legitimate object. The wretch who could look calmly on such a scene without lifting a hand to save, should be held in greater abhorrence than the midnight assassin. We are sometimes moved to tears at the recital of a single murder, but we too often read an account of the destruction of thousands, as a pleasing tale. We sympathize with the sufferings of individuals, but lose our better feelings in a multitude of sufferers. Through this strange inconsistency of our nature, the guilty often escape, or get only one blow when their guilt calls for ten. After the destruction of fort William Henry, the French had possession of lakes George and Champlain, and an uninterrupted communication between Canada and the mouth of the Mississippi. This gave them an ascendancy over the Indians, and an undisturbed control over the country west of the Alleghany mountains, while the colonists were exposed, along the whole northern and western frontier, to the outrages of the various tribes of Indians. "Through harvest fields the bloody myriads tread, With loud artillery stun th' astonish'd foe. |