the Romans enslaved by their Emperors, we should find, that the decline of each of these nations was owing to the practice of vices opposite to the virtues which had caused its elevation: we should be obliged to acknowledge, that vain-glory, luxury, voluptuousness, disunion, "envy, and boundless ambition, were the hateful means of subverting states, which in the heighth of their prosperity expected, and in all appearance justly expected, to endure to the end of time we should be obliged to allow, that some excesses, which in certain circumstances had contributed to exalt these nations, were in other circumstances the means of ruining them.

True, Ambition impelled Cæsar to elevate the Republic of Rome to a pitch as high as it is possible for human grandeur to attain. Armed for the defence of the republic, 'he fought for it, though less for it than for his own glory, and displayed, we grant, the Roman eagle in the furthest parts of Asia, rendered Gaul tributary; swelled-the Rhine with German blood, subdued the Britons, and made all the Adriatic coast's resound the fame of his victories. But did not the same ambition impel him to excite a civil war to arm Rome against Rome, to cover the Pharsalian field with carnage and soak the ground with Roman blood, to pursue the shattered remains of Pompey's army into the heart of Africa, to give a queen, or rather a prostitute, the kingdom of Egypt, to reduce the first and most free of all nations to a state of meanness and servility beneath the most abject of mankind? For, my brethren, what were these Romans after they had lost their liberty, and given themselves up to absolute masters? These Romans, who had given the universe law; these Roman citizens, even the meanest of them, who would have thought themselves disgraced, had they mixed their blood with that of kings; these Romans, once so jealous of their liberty, have we not seen these very people under their emperors submit to vassalage so as to become a scandal even to slaves? Infamous flatterers, did not they erect altars to Claudius, Caligula, and Nero ? Did not Rome hear one of its citizens address this language to the last of these monsters? Choose, Casar, what place you will among the immortal gods. Will you sway the sceptre of Jupiter, or mount the chariot of Apollo? There is not a deity, who will not yield his empire to you, and count it an honour to resign in your favour*.

*Lucan. Pharsal. lib. i.

But

But is it necessary to quote ancient history in proof of what we have advanced, that is, that the same vices, which contribute at first to exalt a nation, in the end cause its decline and ruin? There is A NATION*, in favour of which all things seem to promise a general and lasting prosperity. It has an advantageous situation, a fruitful soil, a temperate climate, an agreeable society, an easy access, a mutual generosity, an inimitable industry, quick penetration in council, heroical courage in war, incredible success in trade, surprising dexterity in arts, indisputable reputation in sciences, an amiable toleration in religion, severity blended with sweetness, sweetness tempered with severity.

Does this nation pass the bounds? At first it acquires advantages more than nature and art had given it. The boundless ambition of the monarch inspires the subjects with a noble pride. Authority, established by despotical power, enslaves the judgments of all to the will of one. A treacherous policy at first imposes on neighbouring states. Troops impelled by a rash valour at first surmount all obstacles. Toleration is banished, the prince takes the place of God himself, and excercises his prerogative. Violating the faith of edicts procures some present advantages. An insatiable avidity adds fortress to fortress, city to city, province to province, kingdom to kingdom. But where is divine providence? Where is the truth of our text, righteousness exalteth a nation? What pitch of grandeur can religion obtain for a people, which cannot be obtained by other means?

Stop. The objection made to our doctrine demonstrates the truth of it. The ambition of the monarch, communicated to his subjects, will there produce all the fatal effects of ambition. Despotical power, which enslaved the judgements of all to the absolute will of one, will cause the judgements of all to resist the will of one. That deceitful policy, which took neighbouring states by surprize, will inspire them with distrust and precaution. Troops hurried on by rashness will find out that rashness is the high road to defeat. Toleration disallowed will disaffect the hearts of faithful subjects, and industry will flee to foreign climes. The violation of edicts will destroy confidence in all the public instruments of government. An insatiable avidity of territorial acquisitions, of possessing forts, cities, provinces and kingdoms without number, will require more attention and greater expence than any nation can furnish. A state in this condition

* This sermon was preached in 1706.

condition will sink under the weight of its own grandeur, it will be attenuated by being expanded, and, if I may use such an expression, impoverished by its abundance. Each passion put in motion will give a shock peculiar to itself, and all together will unite in one general blow fatal to the edifice, which they had erected. A prince by becoming an object of the admiration of the world, becomes at the same time an object of jealousy, suspicion and terror. Hence come civil commotions and foreign wars. Hence the forming of leagues, and deep-concerted plots. Hence mortality, scarcity and famine. Hence heaven and earth in concert against a state, that seemed to defy both earth and heaven. Hence an eternal example to justify providence in all future ages, and to demonstrate to the most obstinate the doctrine of the text, that only rectitude can procure substantial glory. Thus, we think, we have sufficiently established our prophet's proposition: and we will finish the arguments, by which we have supported it, by giving you the character of that author, who hath taken the greatest pains to subvert it*. He was one of those inconsistent men, whom the finest genius cannot preserve from self-contradiction, and whose opposite qualities will always leave us in doubt, whether to place them in one extreme, or in another diametrically opposite. On the one hand, he was a great philosopher, and knew how to distinguish truth from falshood, for he could see at once a connection of principles, and a train of consequences on the other hand, he was a great sophister, always endeavouring to confound truth with falshood, to wrest principles, and to force consequences. In one view, admirably learned and of fine parts, having profited much by the labours of others, and more by the exercise of his own great sense: in another view, ignorant, or affecting to be ignorant of the most common things, advancing arguments, which had been a thousand times refuted, and starting objections, which the greatest novice in the schools durst not have mentioned without blushing. On the one hand, attacking the greatest men, opening a wide field for them to labour in, leading them into devious and rugged paths, and, if not going beyond them, giving them a world of pains to keep pace with hiny: on the other hand quoting the meanest geniusses, offering a profusion of incense to them, blotting his writings with names, that had never been VOL. IV. pronounced

R

* Mr. Bayle.

pronounced by learned lips. On the one hand, free, at least in appearance, from every disposition contrary to the spirit of the gospel, chaste in his manners, grave in his conversation, temperate in his diet, and austere in his usual course of life: on the other, employing all the acuteness of his genius to oppose good morals, and to attack chastity, modesty, and all other christian virtues. Sometimes appealing to a tribunal of the most rigid orthodoxy, deriving arguments from the purest sources, and quoting divines of the most unsuspected soundness in the faith: at other times, travelling in the high road of heretics, reviving the objections of ancient heresiarchs, forging them new armour, and uniting in one body the errors of past ages with those of the present time. Ŏ that this man, who was endowed with so many talents, may have been forgiven by God for the bad use he made of them! May that Jesus, whom he so often attacked, have expiated his crimes! But, though charity constrains us to hope and wish for his salvation, the honour of our holy religion obliges us publicly to declare that he abused his own understanding, to protest before heaven and earth that we disown him as a member of our reformed churches, and that we shall always consider a part of his writings as a scandal to good men, and as a pest of the church.

We return to our prophet. Let us employ a few moments in reflecting on the truths we have heard. Thanks be to God, my brethren, we have better means of knowing the righteousness, that exalts a nation, and more motives to practise it, than all the nations, of whose glory we have been hearing. They had only a superficial, debased, confused knowledge of the virtues, which constitute substantial grandeur? and, as they held errors in religion, they must necessarily have erred in civil polity. God, glory be to his name hath placed at the head of our councils the most perfect legislator, that ever held the reins of government in the world. This legislator is Jesus Christ. His kingdom, indeed, is not of this world, but the rules, he has given us to arrive at that are proper to render us happy in the present state. When he says, Seek ye first the kingdom of God, and his righteousness, and all other things shall be added to you, Matt. vi. 33, he gives the command, and makes the promise to whole nations as well as to individuals.

Who ever carried so far as this divine legislator ideas of the virtues, of which we have been treating in several parts

of

of this discourse, and by practising which nations are exalted? Who ever formed such just notions of that benevolence, that love of social good, that generosity to enemies, that contempt of life, that wisdom, that veneration for noble exploits, that docility and frugality, that devotedness to public use, that distance from false glory, that magnanimity, and all the other virtues, which render antiquity veherable to us? Who ever gave such wise instructions to kings and subjects, magistrates and people, lawyers and merchants, soldiers and statesmen, the world and the church? We know these virtues better than any other people in the world. We are able to carry our glory far beyond Egyptians and Persians, Assyrians and Medes, Lacedemonians, Athenians, and Romans; if not that sort of glory, which glares and dazzles, at least that, which makes tranquil and happy, and procures a felicity far more agreeable than all the pageantry of heroism and worldly splendour.

Christians, let not these be mere speculations to us. Let us endeavour to reduce them to practice. Never let us suffer our political principles to clash with the principles of our religion. Far from us, and far from us for ever be the abominable maxims of that pernicious Florentine*, who gave statesmen such fatal lessons as these: A prince, who would maintain his dignity, ought to learn not to be virtuous, when affairs of state require him to practise vice; he ought to be frugal with his own private fortune, and liberal with public money; he ought never to keep his word to his own disadvantage; he ought not so much to aspire at virtue as at the semblance of it; he ought to be apparently merciful, faithful, sincere and religious, but really the direct opposite; that he cannot possibly practise what are accounted virtues in other men, because necessity of state will often oblige. him to act contrary to charity, humanity and region, e ought to yield to the various changes of fortune, to do right as often as he can, but not to scruple doing wrong when need requires. I say again, far from us be these abominable maxims! Let us obey the precepts of Jesus Christ, and by so doing let us draw down blessings on this nation more pure and perfect than those, which we now enjoy.

The blessings we now enjoy, and which providence bestowed on us so abundantly a few days agot, should inspire us with lasting gratitude; however, my brethren, they are. R 2

* Machiavel. Princ. xv. xvi. xvii.

not2

At the battle of Ramilies, May 23, 1706,