der it so much respect as to insert its name, or even the word "slave," in the Constitution. All then looked for and desired the speedy downfall of the entire system; and Congress proceeded to fix limits to its power, and rebuke its practice upon every possible occasion, as in the ordinance in the year 1787, for the government of the North-Western Territory, and in subsequent acts passed after the adoption of the Constitution. But slavery flattered the pride of man, because it enabled him to extend his legitimate dominion beyond its just and rightful landmarks. It gratified his cupidity by increasing the means of enjoyment. It was adhered to, not as a political, but as an individual claim, and was left subject to the power of the laws; and in that day, like all other subjects, it was freely discussed at all times and in all places without fear or restraint. But what is the condition of the country now? Slaves have increased vastly in number, and the power of the slaveholder in equal degree. The acquisition of Louisiana gave new impulse to this power; but it was never practically demonstrated until the application by Missouri to be admitted into the Union. It was on this occasion that the first triumph was obtained on the floor of Congress, by the slaveholding power, over the Constitution of the United States, as well as of that of Missouri. The people of Missouri formed for themselves a Constitution, in which they had given their Legislature full authority to prohibit the introduction of any slave into that State, for the purpose of speculation, or as an article of trade or merchandise. When she presented herself for admission into the Union, the slaveholding power in Congress objected to the exercise of this authority remaining with her Legislators; and the final compromise was not to compel Missouri to change her Constitution, but that her Legislature, by a solemn public act, to be made in pursuance of a resolution of Congress, should provide and declare that the before-mentioned provision in her Constitution should never be construed to authorize the passage of any law, and that no law should be passed in conformity thereto, by which any citizen of either of the States of this Union should be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the privileges and immunities to which such citizens were entitled, under the Constitution of the United States. This compromise, which I consider one of the darkest pages in the history of Congress, though submitted to by the people of Missouri, was severely rebuked by them at that time. This was the first open step to place slavery under the provisions of that Constitution which was formed for the safety and security of liberty. It assumes the principle, though covertly, that man may be made property, and that a citizen of either State has a right to make merchandize of him if a slave, to use him in trade as a chattel, to sell him in any State in which slavery exists for the purpose of speculation, and that such State has no power to prohibit the sale. This to my mind is a monstrous principle, and at open variance with every provision of a Constitution, immolated, in this compromise, on the altar of slavery. The slaveholding power having thus obtained a foothold on the ramparts of the Constitution, by a violation of its spirit and its letter, now claims that violation as evidence of the right itself, and boldly asserts that the Constitution recognises slavery as one of the institutions of the country, and that the right of the slaveholder to his slave is derived from that instrument. It is here the question must be met, and decided. The arrogance of the slaveholding power, in trampling down the right of petition, and denying the freedom of debate, are only consequences resulting from this assumption of power, and is a foretaste of what we may expect, when it shall have completely established itself (should it be permitted to do so), within the provisions of the Constitution. That instrument will then be no longer what it now is, the home of Liberty. It will be made its grave. This is the first great and combined interest in this country which strikes at equal rights; but all other special and local interests have the same tendency, when they claim peculiar or exclusive privileges. The monied interest is next to be feared, and whenever that or any other shall have acquired sufficient strength, to induce or influence Congress to legislate for its special benefit, there will be an end to that equality of rights which the Constitution designed to establish for the benefit of all. That our liberties are assailed, and individual as well as political rights disregarded by men in high places of power, none I think, will presume to deny; but that the Union or the Constitution are yet so far endangered as to create despondency, I can by no means admit. The unnatural matter which slavery is attempting to engraft upon the Constitution, will soon be blown off by the breath of popular opinion. The remedy for all evils in the system or administration of our Government is in the hands of the people, and FREE DISCUSSION-discussion without fear of the pistol of the duellist, the knife of the assassin, the faggot of the incendiary, or the still more dangerous fury of the unbridled mob-that free discussion which the people must and will have, soon will work out an effectual cure. It is not in the nature of man, to remain forever deprived of his rights in a country like our own. But free discussion must be practised to produce its salutary effects. You and your fellow-citizens of Philadelphia have set a noble example. Though the sectarian and bigot may exclude you from his sanctuary, and the cringing sycophant to power may shut you out from the Halls erected at your expense, and consecrated to justice, yet you are not discouraged but have again erected your own Hall for a noble purpose-for the purpose of that free discussion, without which religion would languish, and liberty and justice would die. I congratulate the friends of equal rights everywhere, on this praiseworthy effort. I trust its influence will be productive of much good to the human race. I hope that it may cross the mountains, and descend the valley of the Mississippi, until free discussion shall have restored the purity of the Constitution, and the reign of righteous law. It will be then, and not till then, that the value and merit of your proceeding in this matter will be duly appreciated, and Pennsylvania will be considered as having furnished new evidence that she is, in reality, the Keystone of our political arch, THE ARK OF OUR POLITICAL SAFETY. With great respect, I am, gentlemen, Your obedient servant, THOMAS MORRIS. JOSEPH M. TRUMAN, WM. H. SCOTT, Wм. MCKEE, SAMUEL WEBB-Committee. CHAPTER XVIII. RETIREMENT from the Senate-Return to Ohio-Addresses a large meeting in Cincinnati-Applauded by the Democracy-Activity in the cause-An address to the Liberty Party-Nominated for Vice-President -Letter on that subject-Attends the State Liberty Convention-His Address. THE 4th of March, 1839, closed his official responsibilities as Senator of the United States; but he went forth into a wider field of action and usefulness. Returning to Ohio, and his home, with the armor of Liberty on, he re-entered the contest, and until the day of his death fought as a veteran in the army of freedom. "His sword was in his hand, Still warm with recent fight, The 7th of May, 1839, finds him in the city of Cincinnati, before a large meeting of his fellow-citizens, the unconquered friend of freedom, the inveterate enemy of slavery. That meeting is described by Dr. Bailey, the present accomplished editor of the National Era, then editor of the Cincinnati Herald, as follows: "Ex-Senator Morris holds a court-house meeting, in which he exposes the fearful inroads of the slave power on the liberties of the nation, vindicates Abolitionists, defends his own course, as a Senator, on slavery, and insists on the duty of every citizen in the free States, solemnly to engage in lawful efforts for the abolition of slavery. |