could not think of such a thing. As for Mr. Clay, he held him in the highest personal consideration, but politically, as he understood his policy, they were diametrically opposed to each other, upon the five great cardinal principles that divided the Federal and Republican parties. He could not support Mr. Clay or any other man who advocated a U. States Bank, Protective Tariff, Internal Improvement by the General Government, Distribution, and the right of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia and the Territories. Mr. Clay authorized Mr. Wise to say to Judge White that he stood thus upon these five cardinal issues:

1. Bank. "He said he had not changed his opinions since 1816. That he had avowed some change in respect to the constitutionality of that measure, which he had always regretted. That he was sorry he had not adhered to the grounds that he had first taken upon that subject. But then, though he believed in the constitutional power of Congress to incorporate a Bank for Treasury purposes, yet such was the force of circumstances and events, existing then in 1839, he was compelled to conclude that a re-charter for many years would be impolitic, unsafe, and inexpedient. It would never be safe to re-charter a U. States Bank whilst there was a popular minority even opposed to its institution. The friends of such an incorporation were bound to await the arbitrament of enlightened public opinion."—“ And that he would never again recommend a re-charter of the U. States Bank, unless it should be called for by the popular voice, approaching such unanimity as would increase general confidence and safety."

2. On the Tariff he prided himself as being "its Pacificator, in being the author of the Tariff Compromise of 1832. He considered that the North had obtained its consideration in the first five years of the act, and that it would now be bad faith to deprive the South of the benefits it had bargained for in reduction and in equalization of duties upon protected and unprotected articles alike." He emphatically pledged himself not to disturb his own compromise, but to allow it a full and fair operation.

3. Upon Internal Improvements, he said, "the great design of his 'American' system, as it had been called, was to stimulate the States to enterprises of improvement: that he had never thought that these works could be accomplished as economically and as faithfully by the General Government as by the States, and by private companies and individuals acting under State authority. That he had effectually at

tained his end. By the appropriations to works, and to surveys already then made, the States had been stimulated to intoxication. That they had run into an enormous debt of 200 millions. He would rather then assuage the fever, and would arrest all farther stimulus until the State debts were paid."

4. Upon the subject of Distribution of the Proceeds of the Public Lands, he said, "He never proposed a distribution of the proceeds, except when there was a large surplus in the treasury. That by his bill in 1832, he had limited the operation to such a time, only five years, as would exhaust the surplus. As long as the revenue was required for the payment of the public debt, or for any proper object of expenditure, he would never propose a distribution amongst the States. There was then, 1839, a debt of about forty millions, and likely to be a deficiency of revenue unless the tariff was raised, which could not be done without violating his compromise. It was morally certain, then, that if he was nominated and elected, there would be no surplus during his term. He would not distribute a deficiency at all."

5. On the subject of Slavery, he admitted that he had advocated the opinion that Congress had power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia and in the Territories; but further remarked, that he had openly avowed since that time, in the Senate, that he regarded the exercise of that power by Congress, without the consent of the States of Virginia and Maryland, inexpedient and dangerous, and that he would resist the wrong with arms; that he would resist the exercise of the power, as if the power was unconstitutional.

Thus we find Mr. Clay in 1839, although on constitutional grounds opposed to the Democratic party upon every cardinal issue, yet pledging himself to be practically with that party. These pledges being given by Mr. Clay through Mr. Wise to Judge White and his friends, they immediately advocated his nomination in preference to that of Mr. Van Buren. But before the pledges were made, Judge White predicted that Mr. Clay would be shelved by the influence of Mr. Webster, and his influence by what was called the "Triangular Correspondence." This name was given to a correspondence that had sprung up in Rochester, Utica and New York for the purpose of throwing a damper upon the claims of Mr. Clay previous to the meeting of the National Whig Convention at Harrisburg. Judge White was right in his predictions. The name of General Scott was used to defeat Mr. Clay through the Webster influence; William H. Harrison and John Tyler receiving

the nomination. But before the Harrisburg Convention met, and after Mr. Clay had made his Anti-Whig pledges to Judge White, he prepared an elaborate speech, the notes of which he showed to Mr. Wise previous to going to the Taylorsville dinner. Mr. Clay delivered this speech with great force, beauty of style, and with the happiest effect. Mr. Wise was invited with Mr. Clay to attend the Taylorsville festival, but it so happened he could not go, but wrote thus to the committee of invitation: That "the Presidency could not add one cubit to his statue, and I wish all the world could be there to hear him." Mr. Wise wrote thus, and wished thus, because he knew what Mr. Clay would say, as he had just made the foregoing pledges and shown him the prepared notes from which he would speak. The policy which he promised to carry out, should he be made President, was, beyond question, practically Democratic. Moreover, there was a desire to get Mr. Clay back into the ranks from which the "Puritan" had enticed him, and with his powerful arm to strike Nationalism or Whiggery a crushing blow. This intention was certainly laudable, righteous and patriotic. When the Nationals or Whigs met in Convention at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, having largely the majority over the anti Van Buren Democrats, they claimed the privilege of placing on the head of their ticket General Harrison. And as John Tyler had been upon the ticket with Judge White in 1836, the anti Van Buren Democrats, knowing that the Senate of the United States was nearly divided upon many issues of momentous importance, claimed the right to nominate a man who, by his casting vote in the Senate, would guard and protect the principles of the States Right party. Consequenty Mr. Tyler was placed upon the ticket for the Vice-Presidency by the anti Van Buren or States Rights Democrats. They could safely do this because the Nationals or Whigs were pledged by their greatest leader, Henry Clay, against Bank, Tariff, Internal Improvement, Distribution, Abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and the Territories by the power of Congress, &c. When the Nationals or Whigs assented that Mr. Tyler should be placed on the ticket for the Vice-Presidency, with General Harrison, it was considered a sure guarantee of the pledges made by Mr. Clay. Mr. Tyler received the nomination as a sort of compromise, independently of Mr. Clay's pledges, through the instrumentality of Mr. Wise. Yet this compromise was not effected without some difficulty by the anti Van Buren Democrats who distrusted the Nationals or Whigs from a knowledge of their antecedents, notwithstand

ing their pledges. This was arranged by Mr. Wise, very adroitly and justly. William C. Rives had expunged Mr. Tyler from the United States Senate, and in turn had become a Conservative late in the day upon the Specie Circular, and appealed to the opposition votes in the Virginia Legislature to send him back to the Senate. The question then arose before that body, "Shall the victim or the instrument of expunging be sent to the Senate ?" But what was strange about the affair was, that Mr. Clay and his friends, favored the return of Mr. Rives to the Senate. At that time Mr. Wise had a few friends in the Virginia Legislature, at the head of whom was John M. Gregory now of Richmond. These friends held the balance of power in that body at that time. The day for an election of United States Senator finally came off, when the ballotings comparatively were almost as numerous as they were for Speaker at the meeting of the 34th Congress, when Richardson, Banks and Fuller were candidates-and for some time with the same effect. The Legislature refusing to elect Mr. Rives, caucuses were held at Washington City and emissaries sent to Richmond; but still no election could be had. Finally it was found out that Mr. Wise and his friends checked their operations, and then an effort was made to bully him into subjection and party influence, but to no purpose. The party at Washington then arraigned Mr. Wise in caucus, when he defended his position by telling them that "he never intended as long as it was in his power to prevent it, that the instrument of expunction should be placed over its victim by Whig or anti expunging votes." At last Mr. Wise suggested a compromise; and it was, that his friends would allow Mr. Rives to be elected, if Mr. Clay and his friends would allow Mr. Tyler to be placed on the ticket with General Harrison, to preside over Mr. Rives, and by his casting vote guard the cherished principles of the States Rights Democracy. This proposition was readily assented to, but unavoidably by the Whig party. And but for Mr. Tyler being placed upon the Whig ticket in 1840, Mr. Wise would have remained neutral in that contest. He never would have voted for Harrison and Granger regardless of the pledges of Mr. Clay. He was from the beginning a Tyler advocate, knowing that Mr. Tyler was an undeviating and unflinching defender of States Rights. It was understood that if Mr. Rives was elected to the Senate, that Mr. Tyler should be the nominee for Vice-President. These facts will certainly show to the world that the election of John Tyler to the Presidency, was the overthrow of the United States Bank and many other odious Federal favorites; and will account for Mr. Wise's being the main stay and

bulwark of the Tyler administration, which will compare in point of ability to any, Jas. K. Polk's not excepted. Mr. Wise was actuated in the course he took in 1840, through the most strictly Southern Rights conception of the Constitution. And through Mr. Wise, as we have before stated, John Tyler saved the country from Van Burenism, which, like Know Nothingism, is but another name for Abolitionism, or the essence and quintessence of all that is rotten, corrupt and loath

some.

On the 4th of July 1840, Mr. Wise was in the city of Philadelphia, and uttered that sentiment which became so general a watchword of influence, "The Union of the Whigs for the sake of the Union.' This was a piece of pure philosophy, as well as a watchword of party. It recommended a union of the Whigs, or those who stood upon the pledges that Mr. Clay had given to Judge White through Mr. Wise, with the National Republican Whigs, not for themselves but for the Union. This expression, in fact, was a hint to the Nationals or Whigs, that they were to respect and sustain the principles of the Democratic party. That they were not to use their party for a selfish policy, but to unite with the Democracy to protect the country against the party of Martin Van Buren. The convictions arrived at by Mr. Wise, and that portion of the Democratic party which acted with him, were as true as prophecies, and by his almost superhuman exertions in placing John Tyler upon the Harrisburg ticket, he saved Texas and the Union, and placed the country and the Democratic party in an attitude that insured their success brilliant under the banner of Polk and Dallas in 1844.

In November 1840, Mr. Wise married his second wife, Miss Sarah, third daughter of the Hon. John Sergeant of Philadelphia.

EXTRA SESSION OF CONGRESS, 1841. REJECTION FOR THE MISSION TO FRANCE. RE-ELECTION TO CONGRess. ELECTED MINISTER TO

RIO JANEIRO. RETURNS HOME IN 1847.

The last session of Congress that met under Van Buren was in 1840 and '41. In the spring of 1841 Mr. Wise met with Mr. Clay and Thomas W. Gilmer soon after the election, and was congratulating himself to Mr. Clay thus: Well, sir, said he, "We have fought a good fight in Virginia, sir, and although we did not exactly win the victory, we came off with the honors of war." Mr. Clay replied: "I congratulate myself, sir, that Virginia has gone for the enemy." Why, said