The co-establishment of all sects is an easy process; and would silently, naturally, and without injuring any individual, result from a mere repeal of the act of uniformity. It is time that, laying aside the spirit of dissension, all sects should aspire to melt into one catholic church, and begin a warmer competition of benevolence and a higher industry of usefulness. ART. VII. An Historical Review of the State of Ireland, from the Invasion of that Country under Henry II. to its Union with Great Britain. By FRANCIS PLOWDEN, Esq. 2 vols. 4to. pp. abt. 2350. THE antiquities of Ireland have oftener been commented by credulous than by judicious antiquaries: yet the testimonials adduced from chronicle and from language, favour the hypothesis of a Phoenician or Carthaginian colonization, having supplied the main body of the early population. It is said that the red hair, so common in Scotland, results from a mixture of the Iberian and Goth races; and that its scarcity among the tive Irish is a proof of the superior purity of their descent. Whether the first settlers came directly from the Mediterranean, or mediately from Spain and Portugal, cannot absolutely be ascertained; but as tradition and geography favour the latter opinion, it may rationally be acquiesced in. from whence we may collect the earliest traces of heraldry that occur in history, and deduce that partiality for family distinctions, which to this day forms a striking part of the Irish national characteristic. In order to preserve order and regularity in the great number and variety of the members who met together on these occasions, when the banquet was ready to be served up, the shieldbearers of the princes and other members of the convention delivered in their shields and targets, which were readily distinguished by the coats of arms emblazoned upon them: these were arranged by the grand marshal walls on the right side of the tables, and and principal herald, and hung upon the upon entering the apartments each member took his seat under his respective shield or target without the slightest disturbance. The first six days were spent not in disorderly revelling and excess, but particularly devoted The state of Ireland, prior to the mis. to the examination and settlement of the hission of Saint Patrick, no doubt resemtorical antiquities and annals of the kingbled that of Cornwall and Britany.-vately inspected by a select committee of the dom: they were publicly rehearsed and priLike these provinces, it nearly escaped the barbarizing intrusion of Roman armies, and preserved something of that antient civilization, which from these provinces overspread the north, and founded the spirit of modern Europe. The first traces of heraldry occur in the chronicles of the Irish. "The grand epoch of political eminence," says Mr. Plowden," in the early history of the Irish, is the reign of their great and favourite monarch Ollam-Fodlah, who reigned, according to Keating, about 950 years before the Christian æra. Under him was instituted the great Fes at Teamor or Tarah, which was in fact a triennal convention of the states, or a parliament, the members of which consisted of the Druids and other learned men, who represented the people in that assembly. Thus the monarch and the provincial and other kings, who had the executive power in their hands on one side, and the philosophers and priests, together with the deputies of the people, on the other, formed the whole of this ancient legislature. When this great council was convened, previous to their entering upon business, they sat down to sumptuous entertainments for six days successively. Very minute accounts are given by the Irish annalists of the magnificence and order of these entertainments; most learned members. When they had passed the approbation of the assembly, they were transcribed into the authentic chronicle of the nation, which was called the register or psalter of Tarah. This singular caution to prevent the introduction of any falsity or misrepresentation into their national history, would have furnished posterity with the most authentic and interesting relations of this ancient and extraordinary kingdom, had not the Danes in their frequent ravages and inva sions of Ireland, during the 9th and 10th centuries, burnt all the books and monuments of antiquity that fell in their way. We have still more to lament the shameful and fatal policy of our ancestors, who, from the first invasion of Henry Plantagenet down to the reign of James the First, took all possible means of art and force to destroy whatever writings had by chance or care been preserv ed from the destructive hands of the Danes. They imagined, that the perusal of such works kept alive the spirit of the natives, and kindled them to rebellion, by reminding them of the power, independency, and prowess of their ancestors. The public mind upon this subject has long been changed : two centuries have gone by, since Sir John Davis said, that had this people been granted the benefit of the English laws, it would go infinitely farther towards securing their obedience, than the destruction of all the L books and laws ever published in this kingdom.' We have happily lived to see a legislative union of the two countries, which will, it is trusted, by the natural workings of the British constitution, go further in three years towards the destruction of national prejudice and disaffection, than a mere communication of laws did in three centuries." The evidence on which these marvellous narratives repose, ought carefully to be collected and published, after the manner of the Myvyrian Archaiology of Wales. It is not unlikely that historical criticism may be able to separate much valuable unreceived truth, when it has bolted to the bran the Milesian tales, the druidical rimes, the monkish legends, the metrical romances, and the prose chronicles of the Irish. On these subjects Mr. Plowden plainly exercises little severity of research, and seems rather to aim at flattering the national vanity of the western islanders, by eagerness of credulity, than at enlarging the bounds of their historic horizon. But in proportion as this narrative approaches the period at which the connection with England began, it rises in critical value and judicious selection. It is in fact the international history of Great Britain and Ireland until their union. Henry II. was invited to Ireland by Dermod, a king of Leinster, who, having seduced and detained the wife of a king of Breffny, was on the point of being punished by a confede. racy of the native princes. Earl Richard Strongbow was sent to the assistance of Dermod: a bull was obtained from Pope Adrian, granting the island to Henry; and some colonial settlements were made, chiefly in Leinster and Munster, by the Bristowyans, who accompanied Strongbow. The commercial habits of many of these settlers favoured their advantageous 'establishment; and as a cotemporary progress was made by the military allies of Dermod, the English interest acquired, step by step, a considerable extent of jurisdiction, comprising at length the counties of Dublin, Kildare, Meath, and Uriel, and became very obnoxious to the ancient inhabitants, who were denominated by the intruders, Irish without the pale. The Irish within the pale, from their primitive connection with England, and the intermixture with English, fell under a government similar to that of the British nation. The country was divided into districts, and committed to the care of sheriffs. Courts of justice were established, analogous to those at Westminster. And finally, a parliament was convened occasionally by the governor. Sir John Davies thinks these Irish parliaments did not precede the reign of Edward II. Leland is for dating their commencement under Henry II. The oldest parliament-rolls which are extant bear date the 40th year of Edward III. when the statutes of Kilkenny were enacted. These statutes most unnaturally prohibit alliance by marriage between the English and Irish, as well as putting out children to be nursed in Irish families. This is worse than political, worse than religious intolerance: it is a conspiracy against the charities of the heart, and a prohibition of the affections of nature; but it was not likely to oppress many individuals, because those Pyramus-and-Thisbe attachments, between enemies, are not of frequent Occurrence. A more diffusive grievance was the extortion of coygne and livery from the people; that is, of man's meat, borse-meat, and money, from all housekeepers indiscriminately, for the use of the troops. This form of oppression has lately been repeated under the name of free quarters. These various injustices are stated by Mr. Plowden to have endured, without intermission, under the reigns of sixteen monarchs, from Henry II. to Henry VIII. The accession of Henry VII. however, as it restored peace and tranquillity to England, so it enabled the sovereign to plan and execute more effectual measures for the administration of his Irish dominions. It ought, therefore, not to have escaped a more attentive notice at the conclusion of the first part of this history. Two objects appear to have been immediately in the view of the crown: to extend a regular policy over the country, and to render the Irish government subordinate to that of Britain. To promote the former of these purposes, under the direction of Sir Edward Poynings, the lord-deputy, it was provided by an act of the Irish parliament, that all the statutes lately made in England of a public nature, should be heid valid in Ireland. This adoption of English laws by the Irish parliament was not unprecedented, as another instance of it occurs in the reign of Edward IV. From this regulation, which conferred an important benefit, while it tended to prepare an union, it may fairly be presumed that the Irish parliament was then understood to possess an independent legislative authority. To secure the dependence of the Irish parliament on the British crown, Henry endeavoured to acquire a negative before debate, a veto against their proceedings. For this purpose, he procured from that assembly a regulation, that no parliament should be held in Ireland, until the lord-deputy and his council should certify to the king and his council in England, the causes for which the meeting was to be called, and the bills which were therein to be enacted; and that, unless the king's leave was previously obtained, the transactions of any future parliament should be void in law. These regulations were frustrated in the reign of Henry VIII. by the power of the Earl of Kildare, who, uniting the office of lord-deputy with great personal power in the country, conducted himself in a manner contrary to the laws, and independently of the wishes of the English. Cardinal Wolsey ordered him to England: he was there committed to the tower. His son, lord Thomas Fitzgerald, who acted in his father's absence as lord-deputy, immediately raised the standard of rebellion. Treacherous and cruel measures were resorted to for its suppression: the Irish nation was irrecoverably disgusted, and when the reformation of religion took place in England, the religious and political passions of the Irish nation were predisposed by animosity to become inflamed against its reception. Under the catholic sway of Mary, some approximation was made to the policy of Henry VII. It was required not only that the acts in contemplation at the meeting of an Irish parliament, but that those proposed after its assem blage, should be certified to the king and council in England; and that they might not be put to vote, unless sanctioned by this preliminary approval. The friends of Irish independence eluded this regulation, by deliberating whether a proposal for a given bill should be certified to the king and council, which answered the purpose of exciting public attention, and of proclaiming their individual sentiments and arguments. The protestant reign of Elizabeth produced no less than three rebellions in Ireland, which may be attributed chiefly to the state of religious opinions. By the union of the English and Scot tish crowns in the person of James L., by the cordial acquiescence of the whole nation in the title of their new sovereign, and by the entire subjection of the Irish chieftains completed by Lord Mountjoy, just before the decease of Elizabeth was evulgated, James found himself more favourably circumstanced than his predecessors for communicating to Ireland the benefits of English juris. prudence, and the advantages of civilization and regular government. It is surprizing that this prince should not have thought of allowing a catholic estab lishment in Ireland: that was the natural religion of the people, as calvinism was of the Scotch and bucerism of the English. James effected much in Ireland. He approximated their tribunals to the English plan, and extended his laws beyond the pale. The authority of the Brehons had still continued in force; and with it the feudal practice of mulcting districts for a murder, instead of punishing the culprit. The whole country was now divided into thirty-two counties, each under the superintendence of a sheriff, and subjected to the jurisdiction of itinerant courts, which proved a wonderful defence to the numerous classes against tyrannical exactions. Another important reformation was the settlement of landed property. From the frequency of rebellions and disorders many forfeitures had occurred. For putting an end to controversies that had arisen with respect to crown grants, certain commissioners were appointed to examine defective titles, and the possessors were invited to surrender their estates into the hands of the governor, in order to obtain a new and more legal grant. This process was indeed contrived to fill the coffers of government, and to facilitate the seizure of unoccupied domain; but it was accompanied with the aboli tion of tanisiry, and other tenures unfavourable to the investment of capital upon estates, so that it really benefited Ireland. A vast track of northern territory was thus usurped, and sold to the city of London, who colonized it with industrious inhabitants. The confisca tion of property, in cases of treason, is always a mischievous policy: rapacity forges accusation, and the innocent are made to suffer together with the guilty; it should pass on as in case of a natural demise. An excellent dissertation is that which respects the administration of the Earl of Strafford, and the conduct of the Irish catholics towards Charles I. The following anecdote of Cromwell has escaped many English historians: "The account of this Lord Broghill's devoting himself to the service of Cromwell, taken from his panegyrist rather than biographer (Mem. of the Boyle family, 1737, p. 42.) is submitted to the reader, as a specimen of the affection and loyalty of the Irish Protestants of that day, to the cause of the unfortunate Charles I. I have heard a certain great man, who knew the world perfectly well, assert, that a secret was never kept by three persons. His lordship had intrusted his secret to more than three; and the Committee of State, who spared for no money to get proper intelligence, being soon made acquainted with his whole design, determined to proceed against him with the utmost severity. Cromwell was at that time general of the parliament forces, and a member of the committee. It is allowed by his enemies, that this wonderful man knew every person of great abilities in the three kingdoms: he was consequently no stranger to Lord Broghill's merit; and reflecting that this young nobleman might be of great use to him in reducing Ireland, he earnestly entreated the committee, that he might have leave to talk with him, and endeavour to gain him, before they proceeded to extremities. Having with great difficulty obtained this permission, be immicdiately dispatched a gentleman to the Lord Broghill, who let him know that the general, his master, intended to wait upon him, if he knew at what hour he would be at leisure. The Lord Broghill was infinitely surprised at this message, having never had the least acquaintance, or exchanged a single word with Cromwell. He therefore told the gentleman, that he presumed he was mistaken; and that he was not the person to whom the general had sent him. The gentleman readily repied, that he was sent to the Lord Broghill; ad therefore if he was that lord, that he was nt to him. His lordship finding there was no mistake in the delivery of the mesconfessed that he was the Lord Brogall: he desired the gentleman to present his homble duty to the general, and to let him know, that he would not give him the trouble to come to him, but that he himself would wait upon his excellency, if he knew at what hour it would be most proper for him to do so; and that in the mean time he would stay at home, to receive his further comrands. The gentleman replied, that he would return directly and acquaint his gene ral with what his lordship said. The Lord Broghill, in the mean time, was under a good deal of concern, at what should be the meaning of this message. He never once suspected that his design was discovered; but while had passed, and expecting the return of the he was musing in his chamber upon what gentleman, he saw Cromwell himself, to his great surprise, enter the room. When some mutual civilities had passed between them, and they were left alone, Cromwell told him in few words, that the committee of state were apprized of his design of going over, and applying to Charles Stuart for a commission to raise forces in Ireland; and that they were determined to make an example of him, if he himself had not diverted them from that resolution. The Lord Broghill interrupted him here, and assured him, that the intelligence the committee had received was false: that he was neither in a capacity, nor had any inclination to raise disturbances in Ireland; and concluded with entreating his excellency to have a kinder opinion of himCromwell, instead of making any reply, drew some papers out of his pocket, which were the copies of several letters the Lord Broghill had sent to those persons in whom he most confided, and put them into his hands. The Lord Broghill, upon the perusal of these papers, finding it was to no purpose to dissem ble any longer, asked his excellency's pardon for what he had said, returned him his humble thanks for his protection against the committee, and intreated his directions how he ought to behave in so delicate a conjuncture. Cromwell told him, that though till this time he had been a stranger to his person, he was not so to his merit and charac ter; that he had heard how gallantly his lordship had already behaved in the Irish wars; and therefore, since he was named lord lieutenant of Ireland, and the reducing that kingdom was now become his province, he had obtained leave of the committee to offer his lordship the command of a general officer, if he would serve in that war; that he should have no oaths or engagements imposed upon him, nor be obliged to draw his sword against any but the Irish rebels. The Lord Broghill was infinitely surprised at so generous and unexpected an offer. He saw himself at liberty by all the rules of honour, to serve against the Irish, whose rebellion and barbarities were equally detested by the royal party and the parliament. He desired, however, the general to give him some time to consider of what had been proposed to him. Cromwell briskly told him, that he must come to some resolution that very instant; that he himself was returning to the committee, who were still sitting, and, if his lordship rejected their offer, had deter mined to send him immediately to the Tower. The Lord Broghill finding that his liberty and life were in the utmost danger, and charmed with the frankness and generosity of Cromwell's behaviour, gave him his word and honor, that he would faithfully serve against the Irish rebels. Upon which Cromwell once more assured him, that the conditions he had made with him should be punctually observed; and then ordered him to repair immediately to Bristol, to which place forces should be sent him, with a sufficient number of ships to transport them into Ireland. He added, that he himself would soon follow him; and was as good as his word in every particular." The displacements of Irish proprie. tors, in order to make room for officers of Cromwell's army, too glaringly resemble those seizures of royalist and ecclesiastical property lately made in France, not to be viewed with a similar emotion. In poor countries, or poor times, when the revenues of a state are insufficient to recompense the efforts of armies, such measures have always been resorted to. There is, however, one other plan of provision, by which successful force may be bribed into tranquil alliance with the laws of property; namely, to grant according to his rank, a tenth, or twentieth, or hundredth part of the rental of a given parish, district, or hundred, to the individual officer who is to be recompensed. It is more equitable to assess all the proprietors, than to plunder some. In civil wars every one has a right to choose his side: after the battle, the winner must be provided for ; but the less of vindictive retrospect to the unfortunate opinions, the better. Why should a passion for hereditary institutions, which originates in a love of order, or a passion for republican institutions, which originates in a love of liberty, be visited as crimes upon the principled enthusiast? Almost all counter-revolutions have òriginated in the persevering animosity of banished and plundered starvelings. Neither from royalists nor republicans had the Irish protection, or justice. By the navigation-act passed under Charles II. their commercial privileges were restricted, under the absurd notion, that if one part of the empire thrives, that happens at the expence of every other. Under James II. the Irish made great efforts to defend their hereditary king against the intrusion of the house of Orange. This again occasioned confiscations without end. Surely the court of admiralty decided on opposite and juster principles than parliament; if the crews of privateers were not considered as pirates, which acted under letters of marque issued by James, while he lingered in Ireland. In the year 1719, a private law-suit in Ireland, between Sherlock and Annesley, gave rise to a controversy whether there lay an appeal from the Irish tribunals to the house of lords in Great-Britain. This was followed by an act of parliament the sixth of George I. asserting in di rect terms the right of the English par liament to make statutes to bind the people and kingdom of Ireland. Laws, however, avail little, unless ratified by the approbation of the wise, and sanctioned by the consent of the people. In 1768, the Irish rejected a money-bill altered in England; and obtained the abridgement of their parliamentary sittings, which formerly lasted the king's life, to the period of eight years. Short parliaments are not desirable; for in less than six years a demagogue can hardly attach the public to himself, or to his plan of measures. But it is very desirable to obtain frequent infusions of popular inchination, that the bent of the nation may be observed and attended to: so that if one-third of the members were dismissed every two years, instead of having cotemporary elections of the whole, the public business would be conducted more naturally, and a perpetual appeal to the people would be going on concerning the management of the public affairs. During the war with the North American colonies, volunteers were embodied throughout Ireland. By degrees the questions of liberty and independence became topics of military curiosity. A free trade was obtained in 1778; and in 1782, the Rockingham administration removed those offensive regulations, which rendered the Irish government subordinate to the British. From the beginning of the reign of George III. the narrative of Mr. Plowder becomes exceedingly detailed, and exceedingly interesting. It will, we doubt not, be read with lasting, if not general approbation. There are few countries, which in every period of its history, and under all the variations of its opinions, have so uniformly met with ungenerous treatment as Ireland. Far from wondering at its insurrections, one wonders at its patience: far from reproving its barbarism, one admires the degree of culture which it has known how to retain in spite of the trampling hoofs at anarchy, and the tearing harrows et military despotism. The usage of Corsica by Genoa is the most analogous instance: the same system of feudal |