fon can justify, will not allow us to fix the entire eftablishment by fea and by land, at more than four hundred and fifty thousand men. A military power, fays he, which, however formidable it may feem, was equalled by a monarch of the last century, whole kingdom was confined within a fingle province of the Roman Empire.'

After explaining the fpirit which moderated, and the strength which fupported, the power of Hadrian and the Antonines, Mr. Gibbon proceeds, in the fame chapter, to defcribe, with clearnefs and precision, the provinces once united under their sway, but, at prefent, divided into fo many independent and hoftile ftates. He obferves that the Roman Empire was above two thousand miles in breadth, from the wall of Antoninus and the northern limits of Dacia, to Mount Atlas and the Tro pic of Cancer; that it extended, in length, more than three thousand miles from the western Ocean to the Euphrates; that it was fituated in the finest part of the temperate zone, between the twenty-fourth and the fifty-fixth degrees of northern latitude; and that it was fuppofed to contain above fixteen. hundred thousand fquare miles, for the most part of fertile and well cultivated land.

In the second chapter, our Author confiders the union and internal profperity of the Roman Empire, in the age of the Antonines. It is not alone by the rapidity, or extent of conqueft, he observes, that we should eftimate the greatness of Rome. The firm edifice of her power was raised and preserved by the wifdom of ages. The obedient provinces of Trajan and the Antonines were united by laws, and adorned by arts. They might occafionally fuffer from the partial abuse of delegated authority; but the general principle of government was wife, fimple, and beneficent. They enjoyed the religion of their ancestors, while in civil honours and advantages they were exalted, by just degrees, to an equality with their conquerors.

Those who have carefully studied the Roman history during this period, will be highly pleafed with the whole of this chapter, which clearly fhews the Author's diftinct and comprehenfive views of his fubject. We cannot deny ourselves the pleafure of laying before our Readers what he fays on the subject of Toleration.

The policy of the emperors and the fenate, as far as it concerned religion, fays he, was happily feconded by the reflections of the enlightened, and by the habits of the superstitious part of their fubjects. The various modes of worship, which prevailed in the Roman world, were all confidered by the people, as equally true; by the philofopher, as equally false; and by the magiftrate as equally ufeful. And thus toleration

04

produced

produced not only mutual indulgence, but even religious concord.

The fuperftition of the people was not embittered by any mixture of theological rancour; nor was it confined by the chains of any fpeculative fyftem. The devout polytheift, though fondly attached to his national rites, admitted with implicit faith, the different religions of the earth. Fear, gratitude, and curiofity, a dream or an omen, a fingular diforder, or a diflant journey, perpetually difpofed him to multiply the articles of his belief, and to enlarge the lift of his protectors. The thin texture of the Pagan mythology was interwoven with various, but not difcordant materials. As foon as it was allowed that fages and heroes, who had lived, or who had died for the benefit of their country, were exalted to a flate of power and immortality, it was univerfally confeffed, that they deserved, if not the adoration, at least the reverence of all man. kind. The deities of a thoufand groves and a thousand streams poffeffed, in peace, their local and respective influence; nor could the Roman who deprecated the wrath of the Tyber, deride the Egyptian who prefented his offering to the beneficent genius of the Nile. The vifible powers of Nature, the planets, and the elements, were the fame throughout the universe.

The invifible governors of the moral world were inevitably caft in a fimilar mould of fiction and allegory. Every virtue, and even vice, acquired its divine reprefentative; every art and profeffion its patron, whofe attributes, in the moft diftant ages. and countries, were uniformly derived from the character of their peculiar votaries. A republic of gods of fuch oppofite tempers and interefts required, in every fyftem, the moderating hand of a fupreme magiftrate, who was gradually invested, by flattery and knowledge, with the fublime perfections of an Eternal Parent, and an Omnipotent Monarch. Such was the mild fpirit of antiquity, that the nations were lefs attentive to the difference, than to the refemblance, of their religious wor ship. The Greek, the Koman, and the Barbarian, as they met before their respective altars, eafily perfuaded themselves, that under various names, and with various ceremonies, they adored the fame deities. The elegant mythology of Homer gave a beautiful, and almolt a regular form, to the polytheism of the ancient world.

The philofophers of Greece deduced their morals from the mature of man rather than from that of God. They meditated, however, on the Divine Nature, as a very curious and important fpeculation, and in the profound inquiry, they displayed the ftrength and weakness of the human understanding. Of the four molt confiderable fects, the Stoics and the Platonicians, endeavoured to reconcile the jarring interefts of reafon and

piety. They have left us the moft fublime proofs of the existence and perfections of the first caufe; but as it was impoffible for them to conceive the creation of matter, the workman in the Stoic philofophy was not fufficiently diftinguished from the work; whilft, on the contrary, the fpiritual God of Plato and his difciples, refembled more an idea than a fubftance. The opinions of the Academics and Epicureans were of a lefs religious caft; but when the modeft fcience of the former induced them to doubt, the pofitive ignorance of the latter urged them to deny, the providence of a Supreme Ruler. Yet the Sages of Greece, divided as they were, agreed in one great principle, an abfolute disbelief of the popular fuperftition; which they communicated to the ingenuous youth, who, from every part, reforted to Athens, and the other feats of learning in the Roman empire. How, indeed, was it poffible, that a philofopher should accept, as divine truths, the idle tales of the poets, and the incoherent traditions of antiquity; or, that he ihould adore, as gods, thofe imperfect beings whom he muft have defpifed, as men. Against fuch unworthy adverfaries, Cicero condescended to employ the arms of reafon and eloquence; but the fatire of Lucian was a much more adequate, as well as more efficacious weapon. We may be well affured, that a writer, converfant with the world, would never have ventured to expofe the gods of his country to public ridicule, had they not already been the objects of fecret contempt among the polished and enlightened orders of fociety.

Notwithstanding the fashionable irreligion which prevailed in the age of the Antonines, both the intereft of the priests, and the credulity of the people, were fufficiently respected. In their writings and converfation, the philofophers of antiquity afferted the dignity of reafon; but they refigned their actions to the commands of law and of cuftom. Viewing, with a fmile of pity and indulgence, the various errors of the vulgar, they diligently practifed the ceremonies of their fathers, devoutly frequented the temples of the gods; and fometimes condefcending to act a part on the theatre of fuperftition, they concealed the fentiments of an Atheift under the facerdotal robes. Reasoners of fuch a temper were fcarcely inclined to wrangle about their respective modes of faith, or of worship. It was indifferent to them what shape the folly of the multitude might chufe to affume; and they approached, with the fame inward contempt, and the fame external reverence, the altars of the Libyan, the Olympian, or the Capitoline Jupiter.

It is not eafy to conceive from what motives a spirit of perfecution could introduce itself into the Roman councils. The magiftrates could not be actuated by a blind, though honeft bigotry, fince the magiftrates were themselves philofophers; and

the

The

the schools of Athens had given laws to the fenate. They could not be impelled by ambition or avarice, as the temporal and ecclefiaftical powers were united in the fame hands. pontiffs were chofe among the most illustrious of the fenators; and the office of Supreme Pontiff was conftantly exercised by the emperors themselves. They knew and valued the advantages of religion, as it is connected with civil government. They encouraged the public festivals which humanize the manners of the people. They managed the arts of divination, as a convenient inftrument of policy; and they respected, as the firmelt bond of fociety, the useful perfuafion, that either in this or in a future life, the crime of perjury is most affuredly punished by the avenging gods. But whilft they acknowledged the general advantages of religion, they were convinced, that the various modes of worship contributed alike to the fame falutary purposes; and that in every country, the form of fupertition, which had received the fanétion of time and experience, was the belt adapted to the climate, and to its inhabitants. Avarice and tafte very frequently defpoiled the vanquished na. tions of the elegant statues of their gods, and the rich ornaments of their temples: but, in the exercife of the religion which they derived from their ancestors, they uniformly experienced the indulgence, and even protection of the Roman conquerors. The province of Gaul feems, and indeed only feemis an exception to this univerfal toleration. Under the fair pretext of abolishing human facrifices, the emperors Tibe rius and Claudius, fuppreffed the dangerous power of the Druids but the priests themselves, their gods and their altars, fubfifted in peaceful obfcurity till the final deftruction of Paganifm.

Rome, the capital of a great monarchy. was inceffantly filled with fubjects and ftrangers from every part of the world, who all introduced and enjoyed the favourite fuperftitions of their native country. Every city in the empire was justified in maintaining the purity of its ancient ceremonies; and the Roman fenate, ufing the common privilege, fometimes interpofed, to check this inundation of foreign rites. The Egyptian fuperftition, of all the moft contemptible and abject, was frequently prohibited; the temples of Serapis and is demolished, and their worshippers banished from Rome and Italy. But the zeal of fanaticifm prevailed over the cold and feeble efforts of policy. The exiles returned, the profelytes multiplied, the temples were reftored with increafing fplendor, and the Ifis and Serapis at length affumed their place among the Roman deities. Nor was this indulgence a departure from the old maxims of government. In the pureft ages of the commonwealth, Cybele and Æfculapius had been invited by folemn embaffies; and

it was customary to tempt the protectors of befieged cities, by the promife of more diftinguished honours than they poffeffed in their native country. Rome gradually became the common temple of her fubjects; and the freedom of the city was beftowed on all the gods of mankind.'

In the third chapter our Author takes a view of the conftitution of the Roman Empire, in the age of the Antonines; but what he fays on this fubject would fuffer much by any attempt to abridge it.

(We propose to refume this article in our next.)

ART. VII. Refignation no Proof. A Letter to Mr. Jebb; with occafional Remarks on his Spirit of Proteftantifm. By a Member of the University of Cambridge. Svo. I s. 6d. White. 1776.

HAT refignation is no proof, in the matter here alluded to, will readily be allowed by every reflecting mind. Perfons may be very fincere in the adoption of principles which are not true; and, on account of their adherence to them, they may forego the greatest advantages, and fubmit to the greatest fufferings. In fuch cafes, however, the highest praise is due to their integrity; and, if they are men of approved knowledge and learning, if they are men who are poffeffed of calm heads, as well as upright hearts, their opinions will deferve a candid and a patient difcuffion.

If any man's fentiments, in the circumftances wherein he has put himself, merit a difcuffion of this kind, thofe of Mr. Jebb are entitled to it; but they have not received it in the present publication. The Author writes with an air of infolence and arrogance which ill becomes him against such an antagonist. He affects, likewife, to treat the controverfy concerning the Trinity, as long ago abfolutely decided in favour of what is commonly deemed the orthodox fide of the queftion; though perhaps as able critics in the New Testament as this Writer may think in a different manner. But what is completly ridiculous, is, his unchristianizing all thofe who do not believe in the fupreme divininity of Chrift. Be it fo: if fuch men as Socinus, Crellius, Clarke, Newton, Whiston, Emlyn, Hoadly, Sykes, Fofter, and Lardner, are to be confidered as having been philofophers only, and not Chriftians, SINT ANIMÆ NOSTRÆ CUM PHILOSOPHIS. What the Author has advanced in oppofition to Mr. Jebb's Remarks on the Spirit of Proteftantifm, is extremely exceptionable. The right of men to avow their fentiments, is totally denied; the liberty of open controverfy, to which we owe the glorious effects of the Reformation, is reprefented as an improper pattern for fucceeding times; and other pofitions are Jaid down, which, if purfued to their confequences, would lead to the establishment of ecclefiaftical tyranny.

We