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Key to Ticonderoga, or Crown-Point, I might hope to make some impreffion upon this estimate. It must put to scorn all eflimates from German extraordinaries; and yet the extraordinaries for several years of the late war, for forage and provisions, amounted to four or five millions per annum. The petty extraordinaries of a few men, circumscribed within the peninsula of Botion for a few months, bas amounted by the accounts of the last year to an enormous fum ; then what eltimate shall we form for a cwelvemonch's provision and forage for an army of thirty or forty thousand men at the distance of three thousand miles from home, befieging and besieged, spread, or at least expecting to be spread, over that immense continent, but without one hospitable acre to afford them fuitenance! It is oot of my bounds to undertake the calculation. If I have not over-rated the total, it is enough for my argument; and I fear, when the bill comes to be paid, it will be more than enough for us all. As to the cfice of ordnance, one word will feuile that account; their usual fint during the last war for extras was three hundred thousand pounds a year. In the year 1775 they got up to two hundred and twentythree thousand pounds for extras; and I dare believe, that their induflry will not be backward to support the good old cufom of a sound sum for unaccounted extras.'
The remaining parts of the speech contain many alarming obser. vations respecting the present fiate of the nation, and the probable disattrous consequences of the American war. But for these we must refer our Readers to the publication itself. Art. 9. Civil Liberty allerted, and the Rights of the SubjeEt de
fended, against the Anarchial Principles of Dr. Price. By a FRIEND to the Rights of the ConsTITUTION. 8vo. 2 s. Wilkie.
This performance is replete with dogmatical assertions and flanderous invectives. Where the Author cordescends to enter upon the process of reasoning, he suppresses and contradicts all the fundamental principles of our own and other free governments, and without any femblance of proof or of argument, positively afferts that the whole of the people have not a right to model government,' and that ' ibe greater part of them have no right 10 interjere in matters of government at all;' that there is no defect of parliamentary representation either in Great Britain or America ; and that the Colonists are now fully represented in the British Parliament, and owe an unlimited obe. dience to all its acts and grants of their property : and upon this foundation he feverely censures the late American resistance, and all who are supposed to have approved of it.
To Dr, Price he imputes contemptible baseness,' « unequalled effrontery,' heilith falsehood,' • vile misrepresentation,' &c. and of the Doctor's performance he says, it is a most virulent and scandalous libel on the Constitution, on the King, and on Civil Liberty. It is an insult on the reason and understanding of man. An attempo to cram his own indigested prejudices, and dreaming reveries, down the throats of the people, for inherent rights and unalienable properties, which Britain is now endeavouring, by the most atrocious means, to rob the Americans of. It is a flander upon human na. ture, and every thing valuable belonging to it, the pure, undefiled, praying, fasting Saints of America only exceptedi'
Thofe who have read Dr. Price's last publication may determine for themselves how far it deserves the character here given of it, and from such specimens of the present Writer's candour and liberality may judge how far this production merits their farther attention. Art. 10. Experience preferable to Theory. An Answer to Dr.
Price's Observations, &c. 8vo. 1 s. 6 d. Payne. One of the best and most decent answers to Dr. Price. The Au. thor leaves the Doctor's definitions of physical and moral liberty to
speculative men, and confines his reasonings to his Antagonitt's notition of civil liberty, and his application of it to the case of this
kingdom and the Colonies. - His general conclusions are, with re. spect to the merit of Dr. Price's publication, That ' if the book is
plausible, yet it is delusive;' that the Doctor's ' system must remain : upon paper, and in idea only, as it can never be carried into act ;' i and that Dr. P.'s ' vindication of the Colonies, and his charges ; against government, have no other support than the truth and prac
ticability of his system ; and, therefore, are altogether groundless.' Art. jI. A Letter to the Riv. Dr. Price. By the Author of
the Defence of the American Congress, in reply to “ Taxation no Tyranny.” 8vo. I S. Williams.
The spirited Writer of this Letter (probably Mr. N--e) applauds Dr. Price's late publication ; but dislents from that part of it where, treating of the Colonilts, the Doctor says, “ they are not our fubje&ts, but our fellow-Jubjects.” It appears to him, he says, that
they are “ neither one nor the other," and his reasoning on this point -- is worthy of attention. Art. 12. Serious and impartial Observations on the Blesings of Lic.
berty and Peace. Addressed to Persons of all parties. By a Clergyman in Leicestershire. 8vo. Is. 6 d. Rivington.
This is apparently the work of a well-disposed religious old man ; but his Observations are generally trite, superficial, and unimportant. He tells us, indeed, that he has, at different times, made a great many observations upon all these points,' and proposes, hereafter, to offer them to the Public, as a means to advance the cause of religion and the good of society, if not prevented by death or the infirmities of old age.'. The Public, by their reception of his present performance will best discover to the Author whai other favours of this kind he ought to below upon them. Art. 13. A Prospect of the Consequences of the present Conduct of
Great Britain towards America. 8vo. 1 s. 6 d. Almon. The Author of this Publication appears to have been milled, by the Dean of Gloucester, into a belief, that the defence of America has coft this kingdom the immense sum of 150 millions — But notwithstanding this mistaken opinion of the obligations conferred on the Colonists, he reasons impartially and juftly on their civil rights; and reprobates the war carrying on against them, as being, under every possible event, pregnant with injustice and ruin on the part of Great Britain.
Art. 14. The Plea of the Colonies, on the Charges brought again! them by Lord M d and others; in a Letter to his Lord'hip. 8vo. Almon. 1 S.
Contains some spirited animadversions on two speeches delivered by a celebrated Law peer, in the beginning of the last feflion of Pasliament.
After replying to those parts of his Lordship's speeches whereio it was maintained that the Colonists, regardless of all orders and claffes of men in Great Britain, were averse from all terms of reconciliation, and aiming only at national independence and sovereignty, the Au. thor proceeds:
• Hitherto we have only had occasion to complain that your LordThip has attempted to hurt the Americans by blackening their repu. tation, and charging them with crimes of which they are not guiliy. Your third position goes farther; you are not satisfied with painting them in dark colours, in order to fink them in the esteem of the moit virtuous, and hitherto the most loyal part of this nation, you would follow them to the grave. Without evidence, and contrary to the clearest evidence, you are first pleased to suppose them guilty, you would then proceed to their execution. “ The Americans," you say, “ have invaded Canada, they are acting on the offensive; we are not to inquire who was the aggressor ; we muit proceed: if we do not kill them, they will kill us.” On this occafion we can hardly say which is the most conspicuous, your Lordihip's humanicy, or your close attachment to the hilory of facts; the Americans are acting on the offensive, if we do not kill them they will kill us: this is curious and perfe&tly new. On what principle does your Lordship suppose we can adopt this story, while we retain a spark of common sense? Have we not seen a map of that concery! Have we not read the history of the present war. Your violence commenced by shutting up the port of Boston ; a fleet and army were sent to intimidate and distress the inhabitants, till, by the pure dint of compulfion, like beats and not like men, they should give what they were not suffered to refuse. They seemed to wince under the yake! you then cut off their fishery, and left jarvation should make them more refractory, you sent more troops. All America had been complaining, therefore it was resolved that all America thould be reduced to a perfect state of slavery. Their charters were to be abolished, and they were to be held by military tenure. Such was your plan. The colonies were to be attacked by sea and land; thips of war, regular troops, and slaves were to destroy them on the coast, while the Canadians and savages were to assail them with fire and sword from the wilderness. Never was any devoted people visited, or like to be visited, by such a group of calamities, unul cruelty became honourable, until tyranny was digested into a regular system. Does any minister or ministerial man deny the charge ? Does he dispute any part of this plan! Let him re. view general Carleton's last commission ; your Lordship has al. ready seen it once too often. For what purpose was he autho. rized to arm the Canadians, and them to march into any other of the plantations, and his Majesty's rebellious subjects there to attack; and, by God's help, them to defeat and put to death.
• For For what purpose did Guy Johnson deliver black belts to all the Indian tribes in his district, and persuade them to life
up the hatchet against the white people in the colonies ? The . congress is possessed of those very war belts ; they have a copy of
governor Carleton's commillion : they have long since been possessed of the whole plan. What could they do in this dreadful dilemma? They must either deliver themselves up to general carnage, or try to avert the impending stroke : the latter was most desirable; but how was it to be done? Certainly not by acting on the defensive, in the manner your Lordship could have prescribed, by standing with their hands in their bosom; not by waiting till the Canadians had invefted Albany, and the Indians had struck the frontiers, and destroyed eight or ten thousand women and children: that would have been acting in self-defence to some purpose. Is an Indian war to be averted by such means? Is a frontier of 1200 miles to be constantly guarded by a line of troops ? It is not possible! The congress had more sense than to attempt it. The sword of governor Carleton was pointed at their bosom ; they endeavoured to rush in and disarm him. By that expedition, their hope was, that they should protect their frontiers against the inroads of the savages, by taking posseffion of the great avenues into their country ; that they should take the stores also which are necessary to an Indian war, and thus gain the friendship of the Indians. Surely these were measures which arose from the very idea of self-defence ; they were mea. fures that pure neceflity had forced upon the congress : for that reason they were not adopted till it was too late in the season ; they were afterwards pursued with that species of ardour which seldom arises but in a ftate of desperation.
« It seems to be a matter of no consequence, in your Lordship's opinion, who was the aggressor at the beginning of this dispute, “ We are in blood step'd in so far, we must go on"-" anlefs we kill them they will kill us,” You have not been used to reason thus in cases of less importance. Suppose a highwayman should demand your Lordship's purse, and, being armed, you should refuse to de. liver, is he not at liberty to consider whether he has a clear right to your cash, much less to your life also ? Would it not be kind in him to put about his horse and ride off? That would be contrary to your Lord'hip's plan ; he should kill you, lelt, while he stayed to inforce his demand, you might chance to kill him. The cases are perfectly fimilar; you have attempted to tax the Americans ; they say you have no right to demand their money. Your demand is followed by threats, it is aggravated by repeated injuries. The Ame. rican draws his sword, he would die rather than submit to the dangerous claim. What is to be done? Shall we enquire, who was first in the wrong? Had we a clear right to tax the Americans ? Had they loft or forfeited their ancient privilege of taxing themselves ? Is our claim founded on the natural rights of mankind? Is it supported by usage? The case is disputed; it may be doubtful. Had we not beft withdraw our troops ; by which means we shall preserve the commerce and subjection of America, we fall save thousands trom death, and millions from ruin. Your Lordship says, No: we have begun the dispute, and juft or unjust, we are bound to perle. Rev. May 1776.
vere. We have crossed the Rubicon ; let us now cross the Red Sea; let us wade in blood. In such a cause, my Lord, and with sucb principles, you may take the field against the Americans, but heavea will not be numbered among your allies.'
The rest of this performance confifts chiefly of Observations on the causes, operations, and events, of the present American war. Art. 15. The Honour of the University of Oxford, defended again a
the illiberal Ajperfions of E-- B--, Esq. 8vo. is. Kearly. This is a translation of the Pamphlet intituled, “ De Tumultibes Americanis,” &c. written by Dr. B--, and noticed in the latt number of our Review. Art. 16. Massachusettenfis : Or, a Series of Letters containing
a faithful State of many important and striking Facts, which laid the Foundation of the present Troubles in the Province of Massachussets Bay, &c. By a Person of Honour, upon the Spot 8vo. 2 s. Matthews.
In the latter part of the year 1774, and in the beginning of 1775, a political controversy was begun and carried on in the Boston news-papers, between two Gentlemen of considerable abilities, onder the signatures of Novanglus, and Malachusettenfis. The Letters appertaining to the latter of these signatures (and written on the side of Government) were afterwards collected and published in a Pamphlet, and are now re-printed from the Boflon impresion. Art. 17. Hypocrisy Unmasked; or a port Inquiry into the Reli
gious Complaints of our American Colonies. To which is added, a Word on the Laws against Popery in Great Britain and Ireland. 12mo. 2 d. Nicoll.
The Author ftates, that the disaffected Colonies have, for some time, in imitation of the holy Leaguers in France, and Cromwelt is England, endeavoured to connect the interests of party with the seco. rity of religion, and to build the most desperate views of ambition, on the mistaken piety of mankind. “They have,' says he played off their spiricual artillery upon the British nation, and endeavoured to kindle the flame of enthusiasm among our people, by representing the grant of the Popish religion to the Canadians, as a measure highly alarming to every Protestant of the empire.'
The principal, or rather the only, instance here given of American Hypocrisy, is drawn from the printed votes and proceedings of the Congress; who, in an address to the people of England, complain of the Canada act, as “ establishing in that country a religion that has deluged our own island in blood, and dispersed impiety, persecution, murder, and rebellion, through every part of the world :" yet, in another public paper, the fame Congress, after expatiating with the Canadians on the privileges they are entitled to as British subjecis, have added the following remarkable declaration : “ These are the rights you are entitled to, and ought at this moment in perfection to exercise. And what is offered to you by the late Ad of Parliament in their place?-Liberty of conscience in your religion ?-No-GOD GAVE IT you, and the temporal powers, with which you have been and are connected, FIRMLY STIPULATED for your ENJOYMENT of it. IF LAWS DIVINE AND HUMAN could secure it against the despotic caprice of wicked men, it was secured before."