Key to Ticonderoga, or Crown-Point, I might hope to make fome impreffion upon this eftimate. It must put to fcorn all eflimates from German extraordinaries; and yet the extraordinaries for feveral years of the late war, for forage and provifions, amounted to four or five millions per annum. The petty extraordinaries of a few men, circumfcribed within the peninfula of Bolton for a few months, has amounted by the accounts of the last year to an enormous fum; then what estimate fhall we form for a twelvemonth's provifion and forage for an army of thirty or forty thousand men at the dittance of three thousand miles from home, befieging and besieged, spread, or at least expecting to be fpread, over that immenfe continent, but without one hofpitable acre to afford them fuftenance! It is out of my bounds to undertake the calculation. If I have not over-rated the total, it is enough for my argument; and I fear, when the bill comes to be paid, it will be more than enough for us all. As to the cffice of ordnance, one word will fettle that account; their ufual flint during the last war for extras was three hundred thousand pounds a year. In the year 1775 they got up to two hundred and twentythree thousand pounds for extras; and I dare believe, that their induftry will not be backward to fupport the good old cuftom of a round fum for unaccounted extras.' The remaining parts of the fpeech contain many alarming observations respecting the prefent ftate of the nation, and the probable difaftrous confequences of the American war. But for these we muft refer our Readers to the publication itself. Art. 9. Civil Liberty afferted, and the Rights of the Subject defended, against the Anarchial Principles of Dr. Price. By a FRIEND to the RIGHTS of the CONSTITUTION. 8vo. 2 S. Wilkie. This performance is replete with dogmatical affertions and flanderous invectives. Where the Author cordefcends to enter upon the procefs of reafoning, he fuppreffes and contradicts all the fundamental principles of our own and other free governments, and without any femblance of proof or of argument, pofitively afferts that the abole of the people have not a right to model government,' and that the greater part of them have no right to interfere in matters of government at all; that there is no defect of parliamentary representation either in Great Britain or America; and that the Colonists are now fully represented in the British Parliament, and owe an unlimited obedience to all its acts and grants of their property and upon this foundation he feverely cenfures the late American refiftance, and all who are fupposed to have approved of it. To Dr. Price he imputes contemptible bafenefs,' unequalled effrontery,'' hellish falfehood,' vile mifreprefentation,' &c. and of the Doctor's performance he fays, it is a moft virulent and fcandalous libel on the Conftitution, on the King, and on Civil Liberty. It is an infult on the reason and understanding of man. An attempt to cram his own indigefted prejudices, and dreaming reveries, down the throats of the people, for inherent rights and unalienable properties, which Britain is now endeavouring, by the most atrocious means, to rob the Americans of. It is a flander upon human na. ture, and every thing valuable belonging to it, the pure, undefiled, praying, fafting Saints of America only excepted.' Thofe Thofe who have read Dr. Price's laft publication may determine for themfelves how far it deferves the character here given of it, and from fuch fpecimens of the prefent Writer's candour and liberality may judge how far this production merits their farther attention. Art. 10. Experience preferable to Theory. An Anfwer to Dr. Payne. Price's Obfervations, &c. 8vo. I s. 6 d. One of the best and most decent anfwers to Dr. Price. The Author leaves the Doctor's definitions of phyfical and moral liberty to fpeculative men, and confines his reafonings to his Antagonist's notion of civil liberty, and his application of it to the cafe of this kingdom and the Colonies. His general conclufions are, with refpect to the merit of Dr. Price's publication, That if the book is plaufible, yet it is delufive;' that the Doctor's fyftem must remain upon paper, and in idea only, as it can never be carried into act ;' and that Dr. P.'s vindication of the Colonies, and his charges against government, have no other fupport than the truth and practicability of his fyftem; and, therefore, are altogether groundless.' Art. 11. A Letter to the Rev. Dr. Price. By the Author of the Defence of the American Congrefs, in reply to "Taxation no Tyranny." 8vo. 1 s. Williams. The fpirited Writer of this Letter (probably Mr. N--e) applauds Dr. Price's late publication; but diffents from that part of it where, treating of the Colonists, the Doctor fays, "they are not our Jubjects, but our fellow-fubjects." It appears to him, he fays, that they are "neither one nor the other," and his reafoning on this point is worthy of attention. Art. 12. Serious and impartial Obfervations on the Blefings of Liberty and Peace. Addreffed to Persons of all Parties. By a Clergyman in Leicestershire. 8vo. 1 s. 6d. Rivington. This is apparently the work of a well-difpofed religious old man ; but his Obfervations are generally trite, fuperficial, and unimportant. He tells us, indeed, that he has, at different times, made a great many obfervations upon all thefe points,' and propofes, hereafter, to offer them to the Public, as a means to advance the cause of religion and the good of fociety, if not prevented by death or the infirmities of old age.'. The Public, by their reception of his prefent performance will beft difcover to the Author what other favours of this kind he ought to beflow upon them. Art. 13. A Profpect of the Confequences of the prefent Conduct of Great Britain towards America. 8vo. I s. 6d. Almon. The Author of this Publication appears to have been mifled, by the Dean of Gloucefter, into a belief, that the defence of America has coft this kingdom the immenfe fum of 150 millions -But notwithstanding this mistaken opinion of the obligations conferred on the Colonists, he reafons impartially and juftly on their civil rights; and reprobates the war carrying on against them, as being, under every poffible event, pregnant with injuftice and ruin on the part of Great Britain. Art. Art. 14. The Plea of the Colonies, on the Charges brought again? them by Lord Md and others; in a Letter to his Lordship. 8vo. Almon. 1 S. Contains fome fpirited animadverfions on two fpeeches delivered by a celebrated Law peer, in the beginning of the last feffion of Parliament. After replying to thofe parts of his Lordship's fpeeches wherein it was maintained that the Colonists, regardless of all orders and claffes of men in Great Britain, were averfe from all terms of reconciliation, and aiming only at national independence and fovereignty, the Author proceeds: Hitherto we have only had occafion to complain that your Lordfhip has attempted to hurt the Americans by blackening their repu tation, and charging them with crimes of which they are not guilty. Your third pofition goes farther; you are not fatisfied with painting them in dark colours, in order to fink them in the esteem of the moit virtuous, and hitherto the most loyal part of this nation, you would follow them to the grave. Without evidence, and contrary to the cleareft evidence, you are first pleafed to fuppofe them guilty, you would then proceed to their execution. The Americans," you fay, "have invaded Canada, they are acting on the offenfive; we are not to inquire who was the aggreffor; we must proceed: if we do not kill them, they will kill us." On this occafion we can hardly fay which is the moft confpicuous, your Lordship's humanity, or your close attachment to the hillory of facts; the Americans are acting on the offenfive, if we do not kill them they will kill us this is curious and perfectly new. On what principle does your Lordship fuppofe we can adopt this ftory, while we retain a fpark of common fenfe? Have we not feen a map of that country? Have we not read the hiftory of the prefent war. Your violence commenced by fhutting up the port of Bofton; a fleet and army were fent to intimidate and diftrefs the inhabitants, till, by the pure dint of compulfion, like beats and not like men, they fhould give what they were not fuffered to refufe. They feemed to wince under the yake! you then cut off their fifhery, and left parvation should make them more refractory, you fent more troops. All America had been complaining, therefore it was refolved that all America should be reduced to a perfect ftate of flavery. Their charters were to be abolished, and they were to be held by military tenure. Such was your plan. The colonies were to be attacked by fea and land; fhips of war, regular troops, and flaves were to deftroy them on the coaft, while the Canadians and favages were to affail them with fire and sword from the wilderness. Never was any devoted people vifited, or like to be vifited, by fuch a group of calamities, until cruelty became honourable, until tyranny was digefted into a regular fyftem. Does any minifter or minifterial man deny the charge Does he difpute any part of this plan? Let him review general Carleton's laft commiffion; your Lordship has already feen it once too often. For what purpofe was he authorized to arm the Canadians, and them to march into any other of the plantations, and his Majefty's rebellious fubje&s there to at tack, and, by God's help, them to defeat and put to death. 6 • For For what purpofe did Guy Johnfon deliver black belts to all the Indian tribes in his diftrict, and perfuade them to lift up the hatchet against the white people in the colonies? The congrefs is poffeffed of thofe very war belts; they have a copy of governor Carleton's commiflion: they have long fince been poffeffed of the whole plan. What could they do in this dreadful dilemma ? They must either deliver themselves up to general carnage, or try to avert the impending ftroke: the latter was most defirable; but how was it to be done? Certainly not by acting on the defenfive, in the manner your Lordship could have prefcribed, by ftanding with their hands in their bofom; not by waiting till the Canadians had invefted Albany, and the Indians had ftruck the frontiers, and destroyed eight or ten thousand women and children: that would have been acting in felf-defence to fome purpofe. Is an Indian war to be averted by fuch means? Is a frontier of 1200 miles to be conftantly guarded by a line of troops? It is not poffible! The congrefs had more fenfe than to attempt it. The fword of governor Carleton was pointed at their bofom; they endeavoured to rush in and difarm him. By that expedition, their hope was, that they should protect their frontiers against the inroads of the favages, by taking poffeffion of the great avenues into their country; that they should take the ftores alfo which are neceffary to an Indian war, and thus gain the friendship of the Indians. Surely thefe were measures which arose from the very idea of felf-defence; they were meafures that pure neceffity had forced upon the congrefs: for that reafon they were not adopted till it was too late in the season they were afterwards purfued with that fpecies of ardour which feldom arifes but in a ftate of defperation. It feems to be a matter of no confequence, in your Lordship's opinion, who was the aggreffor at the beginning of this difpute, "We are in blood step'd in fo far, we must go on"-" anless we kill them they will kill us." You have not been used to reason thus in cafes of lefs importance. Suppofe a highwayman fhould demand your Lordship's purfe, and, being armed, you fhould refufe to deliver, is he not at liberty to confider whether he has a clear right to your cash, much lefs to your life alfo? Would it not be kind in him to put about his horfe and ride off? That would be contrary to your Lordship's plan; he should kill you, lett, while he stayed to inforce his demand, you might chance to kill him. The cafes are perfectly fimilar; you have attempted to tax the Americans; they lay you have no right to demand their money. Your demand is followed by threats, it is aggravated by repeated injuries. The American draws his fword, he would die rather than fubmit to the dangerous claim. What is to be done? Shall we enquire who was first in the wrong? Had we a clear right to tax the Americans? Had they loft or forfeited their ancient privilege of taxing themfelves? Is our claim founded on the natural rights of mankind? Is it fupported by ufage? The cafe is difputed; it may be doubtful. Had we not beft withdraw our troops; by which means we thall preferve the commerce and fubjection of America, we fhall fave thousands from death, and millions from ruin. Your Lordship fays, No: we have begun the dispute, and juft or unjust, we are bound to perseREV. May 1776. E e vere. vere. We have crossed the Rubicon; let us now cross the Red Sea; let us wade in blood. In fuch a caufe, my Lord, and with fuch principles, you may take the field against the Americans, but heaven will not be numbered among your allies.' The rest of this performance confifts chiefly of Obfervations on the caufes, operations, and events, of the prefent American war. Art. 15. The Honour of the University of Oxford, defended against the illiberal Afperfions of E――d B-e, Efq. 8vo. 15. Kearly. This is a tranflation of the Pamphlet intituled, "De Tumultibus Americanis," &c. written by Dr. B——, and noticed in the last number of our Review. Art. 16. Maffachufettenfis: Or, a Series of Letters containing a faithful State of many important and striking Facts, which laid the Foundation of the prefent Troubles in the Province of Maffachuffets Bay, &c. By a Perfon of Honour, upon the Spot. 8vo. 2 s. Matthews. In the latter part of the year 1774, and in the beginning of 1775, a political controverfy was begun and carried on in the Bofton news-papers, between two Gentlemen of confiderable abilities, under the fignatures of Novanglus, and Maffachufettenfis. The Letters appertaining to the latter of thefe fignatures (and written on the fide of Government) were afterwards collected and published in a Pamphlet, and are now re-printed from the Boflon impreffion. Art. 17. Hypocrify Unmasked; or a short Inquiry into the Religious Complaints of our American Colonies. To which is added, a Word on the Laws against Popery in Great Britain and Ireland. 12mo. 2 d. Nicoll. ་ The Author ftates, that the difaffected Colonies have, for fome time, in imitation of the holy Leaguers in France, and Cromwell in England, endeavoured to connect the interefts of party with the fecurity of religion, and to build the most defperate views of ambition, on the mistaken piety of mankind. They have,' says he, played off their fpiritual artillery upon the British nation, and endeavoured to kindle the flame of enthufiafm among our people, by representing the grant of the Popish religion to the Canadians, as a measure highly alarming to every Proteftant of the empire.' The principal, or rather the only, inftance here given of American Hypocrify, is drawn from the printed votes and proceedings of the Congrefs; who, in an addrefs to the people of England, complain of the Canada act, as "eftablishing in that country a religion that has deluged our own island in blood, and difperfed impiety, perfecution, murder, and rebellion, through every part of the world :" yet, in another public paper, the fame Congrefs, after expatiating with the Canadians on the privileges they are entitled to as British fubje&is, have added the following remarkable declaration: These are the rights you are entitled to, and ought at this moment in perfection to exercise. And what is offered to you by the late Act of Parliament in their place?-Liberty of confcience in your religion-No-GOD GAVE IT YOU, and the temporal powers, withwhich you have been and are connected, FIRMLY STIPULATED for your ENJOYMENT of it. IF LAWS DIVINE AND HUMAN could fecure it against the defpotic caprice of wicked men, it was fecured before." • Here,' |