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purposes by geographers, philosophers, astronomers, physicians, and natural historians : but it is of the greatest importance to the divine, and to those who are engaged in the study and elucidation of facred Scripture. All the eastern languages bear striking characters of mutual resemblance, so that a critical acquaintance with any one of them cannot fail to assist in acquiring the knowledge of others. Besides, the most ancient versions of the Old Testament, such as the Chaldee and Vulgate, and several others, cannot be understood without the help of Arabic: bur this is more efpecially true of the Septuagint or Alexandrian, which is the most ancient of all'; as the Arabic Version was (for the most parr) translated nor from the Hebrew, but from the Alexandrian or Greek copy. The Author has addaced two or three examples, in order to confirm the truth of this observation. Should the scheme, which was fome time since proposed by Dr. Owen, of collating the Greek copies after the man. ner in which the 'indefatigable Dr. Kennicot has collated those of the Hebrew, the Arabic would afford very considerable asistance. But the scriptural critic would avail himself in this way, not only by illustrating words and phrases; he would likewise be able to gain an acquaintance with the customs and manners of ancient times and eastern nations " ex ipfis fontibus" from those learned works which are preserved in this language. The Author con. cludes with a brief account of some of the most eminent commentators and critics on the Old Testament, both Jewish and Chriftian, who have actually, and not unsuccessfully, applied their acquaintance with the Arabic to the illustration of difficult and otherwise unintel. ligible passages in the sacred writings. Art: 21. Annals of Scotland, from the Accesfion of Malcolm the

Third, surnamed Canmore, to the. Accession of Robert I. By Sir David Dalrymple. 4to. 15 s. boards. Murray.

The reason why these Annals commence with the reign of Mal? colm surnamed Canmore, is that the faith of Scottish history goes no higher. If the Author's plan is approved, he proposes to bring hem down to James I. This mode of epitomizing history has cer

inly its Otility. It is a powerful aid to memory, and facilitates the recollection of che regular historian. But the Author of this work has greatly improved on the general plans of annalists. For by his copious notes he has filled up his narrative into a diffusive body of history; and such a method as this carries an obvious ad. yantage along with it, that while the more hasty Reader may pass them over, the more inquifitive may consult them. The notes are, indeed, very curious, and fome of them of such a length that the Author was obliged to place them at the end of his work, by way of Appendix. Art. 22. Young James, or the Sage and the Atheist, an English

Story. From the French of M. Voltaire. 8vo. 2 s. 6 d. Murray.

A pleasant, and, in truth, a very moral Jeux d'Esprit of this inxhaustible writer; who has here proved himself neither Deilt nor Papift, but a good Christian and a llaunch Protestant. Art. 23. Dissertatio de Babris, &c. A Dillertation concerning Babriøs, the Writer of certain Fables we have under the name of K k 2

Alop:

Ælop: To which are added some Fables of Æsop not hitberta published, from the Bodleian MSS. and Fragments of Babrius. 8vo. 1 s. Payne.

It has been the opinion of the learned, that many of those Fa. bles which are called Æsop's, were written by other hands; and the Author of this Disertation inclincs to give them to Babrius on the authority of an unedited MS. in the Bodleian Library, which had not been consulted by Æfop's former editors. He seems to be right. Art. 24. Lectures concerning History, read during the Year 1775,

in Trinity College, Dublin. By Michael Kearney, D.D. Profefor

of History on the Foundation of Erasmus Smith, Esq. 4to. : 2 s. 6 d. Murray.

These Lectures are clear, folid and sensible, and are calculated to throw light not only on the study of history, but on the progress of government and political society Art. 25. An Address to the Public on the Expediency of a regular

Plan for the Maintenance and Government of the Poor, in which its Utility with respect to Industry, Morals, and public Economy, is proved from Reason, and confirmed by the Experience of the House of Industry lately established in Dublin. With some general Observations on the English System of Poor Laws; and an Examination of the Chapter in Lord Kaims's Sketches of the History of Man relative to the Poor : To which is added an Argument in Support of the Right of the Poor in the Kingdom of Ireland to a national Provision. By Richard Woodward, LL.D. Dean of Clogher, and Chancellor of St. Patrick's, Dublin. Svo. 35. Robinson,

Though these arguments principally concern our fellow-Tubjects on the other side of the water, the discussion of Lord Kaims's prin. ciples is of general utility ; those pernicious principles, fo fabverfire of the rights of humanity, so grounded on ignorance, and so replete with falsehood and misrepresentation ! He has the unparalleled insolence to say that the general courts of session in England would implicitly favour the rich at the expence of the justice due to the poor! How came the Lords of Session in Scotland by this idea ? Art. 26. A Letter to a Young Nobleman setting out on bis Travel,

8vo. 1 s. 6 d. Owen. This Letter recommends it to the young Nobleman not to travel merely to furnish a Musæum, but to form the mind, to collect wilcom and policy; to enable himself afterwards most effe&ually to serve his country, and if poflible, to improve it by the experience of others. The spirit of the performance is moral and pious, but the style is without life or elegance. Art. 27. A Description of Killarney. 4to. 38. " Doddley.

Many years ago we gave, by way of extract, in our Review, 10 account of this most beautiful lake and the circumjacent country.

• Drawn up by the late ingenious Dr. Smith, Author of the Na tural History of the counties of Cork, Waterford, and Kerry, Kil larney is in the lalt mentioned county,

The descripcion be!ore us is upon a more extensive scale, and exhibits a more specified and diltinet view of the several objects. It is written with good taste, and cannot fail to gratify the lovers of natural and copical beauty.

AMERICAN CONTROVERSY, Art. 28. An Oration in Memory of General Montgomery, and of

the Officers and Soldiers who fell with bim, Dec. 31, 1775, before Quebec : Drawn up (and delivered Feb. 19, 1:76) at che Deare of the Honourable Continental Congress. By Wm. Sanith, D.D. Provost of the College and Academy of Philadelphia. 8vo. 6 d. Almon.

The Readers of the Monthly Review are no strangers to the oratorical abilities of Dr. Smith * In this discourse we fir.d the warm effufions of a zeal for freedom, blended with hiltorical notes and anecdotes, relative not only to the hero who is here celebrated as S a proto-martyrt to the rights of America, but to others, engaged with him in the same cause.'-From all accounts, it appears that General Montgomery was a man of a truly estimable character; and we doubt not but his fate will be sincerely lamented by all who read the present eulogy!- for HUMANITY is of no party. Art. 29. Common Sense: Addressed to the inhabitants of Ame

rica. 8vo. 1 s. 68. Philadelphia printed; London reprinted, for Almon. 1776.

The evident purpose of this celebrated performance, is to dispose the Colonilts to renounce the King's sovereignty, and assume the form and the rights of a diftinct independent itate. The arguments employed by the Author for this purpose, are delivered under four general heads, viz. . itt, Of the Origin and Design of Government, in general; with concise

Remarks on the English Gonflitution. • Some writers (says the Author) have so confounded society with government, as to leave little or no distinction between them ; whereas they are not only different, but have different origins. Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness; the former promotes our happiness positively by uniting our affections, the latter negatively by restraining our vices. The one encourages intercourle, the other creates distinctions. The firft is a patron, the last a punisher.

• Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its beft ftate is but a necessary evil; in its worft ftate an intolerable one ; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries by a government, which we might expect in a country without government, oor calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer. Goveroment, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers

• See, particularly, our account of his Sermon on the present Situation of American Affairs : Rev, Aug. 1775.

+ The Author premises, in a note, that he did not intend to ap. propriate this term, so as to detract from the merit of Dr. Warren, and other brave men, who fell before, in the same cause.'

of paradise. For were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver ; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of bis property to furnish means for the protection of the relt; and this be is induced to do by the same prudence which, in every other case, advises him out of two evils to chuse the least. Wberefore security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably follows, that whatever form thereof appears most likely to insure it to us, with the least expence and greatest benefit, is preferable to all others.' . This form he af.erwards describes to be that in which all parts of the community, goverrors as well as governed, hare a community of interests with each other...

The Author next delivers it as a maxim “ that the more fimple any thing is, the less liable it is to be disordered, and the easier repaired when disordered.”. And with this maxim in view (says he) I offer a few remarks on the so much boalled conftitution of Englatd. That it was noble for the dark and flavish times in which it was erected, is granted. When the world was over-run with tyranny, the least remove there from was a glorious risque. But that it is im perfect, subject to convulsions, and incapable of producing what it seems to promise, is easily demonstrated. .

i Absolute governments (though the disgrace of human cature) have this advantage with them, that they are simple ; if the people fuffer, they know the head from which their suffering springs, know likewise the remedy, and are not bewildered by a variety of causes and cures. But the conftitution of England is so exceedingly complex, that the nation may fuffer for years together without being able to discover in which part the fault lies ; fome will say in one and some in another, and every political physician will advise a different medicine.. ** Į know it is difficult to get over local or long standing prejudices, yet if we will suffer ourselves to examine the component parts of the English constitution, we shall find them to be the base remains of two ancient tyrannies, compounded with some new republican materials."

Firft.-The remains of monarchial tyranny in the person of the king

* Secondly.—The remains of aristocraţical tyranny in the persons of the peers. "."'Thirdly.—The new republican materials in the persons of the commons, on whose virtue depends the freedom of England. I'? The two firft, by being hereditary, are independent of the people; wherefore in a conflitutional fenfe they contribute nothing towards the freedom of the state. :: To say that the constitution of England is a union of three powers reciprocally checking each other, is farcical, either the words bave no meaning, or they are flat contradi&ions.

To say that the commons is a check upon the king, presupposes two things:

i Fir;.-That the king is not to be trusted without being looked after, or in other words, that a thirst for absolute power is the na. fural disease of monarchy. .

Secondly.

Secondly.—That the commons, by being appointed for that purpose, are either wiser or more worthy of confidence than the crown.

• But as the same constitution which gives the commons a power to check the king by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king a power to check the commons by empowering him to reject their ocher bills; it again supposes that the king is wiser than those whom it has already supposed to be wiser than him. A mere absurdity !

• There is fomething exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of monarchy; it first excludes a man from the means of information, yet empowers him to act in cases where the highest judgment is required. The state of a king shuts him from the world, yet the bu. finess of a king requires him to know it thoroughly; wherefore the different parts, by unnaturally opposing and destroying each other, prove the whole character to be absurd and useless.

• Some writers have explained the English constitution thus : The king, say they, is one, the people another; the peers are an house in behalf of the king, the commons in behalf of the people ; but this hath all the distinctions of an house divided against itself; and though the expressions be pleasantly arranged, yet when examined, they appear idle and ambiguous; and it will always happen, that the nicest construction that words are capable of when applied to the defcription of something which either cannot exist, or is too incomprehenfible to be within the com pass of description, will be words of found only, and though they may amuse the ear, they cannot inform the mind, for this explanation includes a previous question, viz. How came the king by a power which the people are afraid to trufi, And always obliged to check ? Such a power could not be the gift of a wise people, neither can any power, which needs checking, be from God; yet the provifion, which the constitution makes, sup. poses such a power to exift.

• But the provision is unequal to the task ; the means either cannot or will not accomplish the end, and the whole affair is a felo de fe ; for as the greater weight will always carry up the less, and as all the wheels of a machine are put in motion by one, it only remains to know which power in the conftitution has the most weight, for that will govern ; and though the others, or a part of them, may clog, or, as the phrase is, check the rapidity of its motion, yet fo long as they cannot stop it, their endeavours will be ineffectual; the first moving power will at lalt have its way, and what it wants in speed, is fupplied by time. °• That the crown is this overbearing part in the English conftitu. sion, needs not be mentioned, and that it derives its whole confequence merely from being the giver of places and penfrons, is felf. evident, wherefore, though we have been wise enough to shut and lock a door againft absolute monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish enough to put the crown in pofTeffion of the key.

• The prejudice of Englishmen in favour of their own government by kings, lords, and commons, arises as much or more from national pride than reason. Individuals are undoubtedly safer in England than in some other countries, but the will of the king is as much Kk 4

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