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the law of the land in Britain as in France, with this difference, that instead of proceeding directly from his mouth, it is handed to the people under the more formidable shape of an act of parliament. For the fate of Charles the First bath only made kings more fubtlenot more just.
• Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and prejudice in fa. vour of modes and forms, the plain truth is, that it is wholly owing to tbe conftitution of the people, and not to the conflitution of the govers ment, that the crown is not as opprefiive in England as in Turky.'
2dly, OF MONARCHY and Hereditary Succeffion, As the Author's aim, in the preceding division, was to remove from the Colonifts their prejudices in favour of the English conftitution, generally, so he endeavours, in the present fe&tion, to render them averse from kingly government in particular.
• It was first introduced into the world, fays he, by the Heatheos, from whom the children of Israel copied the custom. It was the most pro. sperous invention the Devil ever set on foot for the promotion of ido. latry. The Heathens paid divine honours to their deceased kings, and the Christian world hath improved on the plan, by doing the fame to their living ones. How impious is the title of sacred majesty applied to a worm, who, in the midst of his fplendor, is crumbling into duft! ;" As the exalting one man so greatly above the rest cannot be justified on the equal rights of nature, fo neither can it be defended on the authority of scripture; for the will of the Almighty, as de clared by Gideon and the prophet Samuel, expressly disapproves of government by kings. All anti-monarchical parts of fcripture have been very smoothly glossed over in monarchical governments, but they undoubtedly merit the attention of countries which have their governments yet to fórm. “ Render unto Cæfar the things which are Cæsar's" is the scripture doctrine of courts, yet it is no support of monarchical government, for the Jews at that time were without a -king, and in a state of vassalage to the Romans.' · The Author next proceeds to state the transactions in which Gi. deon and the prophet Samuel, by special command from the Deity, opposed the establishment of monarchy among the Jews, as being repugnant to the Divine Will, and as being an “ evil,” and “ a great wickedness.”—' These portions of scripture, adds the Author, are di: rect and positive. They admit of no equivocal construction. That the Almighty has here entered his protest against monarchical government is true, or the scripture is false. ii.
Similar arguments, derived from the same source, were employed · for a similar purpose in England, by the republican party, in the Jaft century; and they were as well suited to a great part of the people of England in that age as they now are to many of the people of America. . : '
. 1.To the evil of monarchy, continues the Author, we have added that of hereditary succession; and as the first is a degradation and leffening of ourselves, so the second, claimed as a matter of right, is an infult and an imposition on pofterity. For all men being origi. Rally equals, no one by birth could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others for ever, and though him.
felf felf might deserve fome decent degree of honours of his cotempora. ries, yet his descendants might be far too unworthy to inherit them. One of the strongest natural proofs of the folly of hereditary right in kings, is, that nature disapproves it, otherwise she would not fa frequently turn it into ridicule by giving mankind an Ass for a Lion,
Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honours than were bestowed upon him, so the givers of those honours could have no right to give away the right of pofterity. And though they might say, “ We choose you for our head," they could not; without manifest injufice to their children say, “ that your children, and your children's children Mall reign over ours for ever.” Because such an unwise, unjust, unnatural compact might (perhaps) in the next succeflion put them under the government of a rogue or a fool. Most wise men, in their private sentiments, have ever treated heredi: tary right with contempt; yet it is one of those evils which, when once eltablished, is not easily removed; many submit from fear, others from superstition, and the more powerful part lhares with the king the plunder of the rest. ..
. But it is not adds the Author) so much the absurdity as the evil of hereditary succession which concerns mankind. Did it ensure a race of good and wise men, it would have the seal of Divine authority, but it opens a door to the foolish, the wicked, and the improper, it hath in it the nature of opprefion. Men who look upon thema selves born to reign, and others to obey, foon grow intolent; selected from the rest of mankind their minds are early poisoned by importance; and the world they act in differs fo materially from the world at large, that they have but little opportunity of knowing its true interefts, and when they succeed to the government, are frequently the most ignorant and unfit of any throughout the dominions.
• Another evil which attends hereditary succession is, that the throne is subject to be possessed by a minor at any age ; all which time the regency, acting under the cover of a king, have every opportunity and inducement to betray their trust. The same national misfortune happens when a king, worn out with age and infirmity, enters the last Aage of human weakness. In both these cases, the Public becomes a prey to every miscreant, who can tamper succefffully with the follies either of age or infancy.
• The most plausible plea which hath ever been offered in favour of hereditary succeflion, is, that it preserves a nation from civil wars; and were this true, it would be weighty ; whereas, it is the most barefaced falsity ever imposed upon mankind. The whole history of England disowns the fact. Thirty kings and two minors have reigned in that distracted kingdom fince the conqueft, in which time there have been (including the revolution) no less than eight civil wars and nineteen rebellions. Wherefore instead of making for peace, it makes against it, and destroys the very foundation it feems to stand on.i. In short, says the Author, monarchy and succession have laid not this or that kingdom only but the world in blood and ashes. 'Tis a form of government which the word of God bears teftimony against, and blood will attend is.'
3dly, Thoughts 3dly, Thoughts on the prefent State of American Afairs. In this section the Author direétly and undisguisedly urges the Colonies to a separation from Great Britain. But the arguments employed by him are so many, so various, and incapable of abridg. ment, that our Readers must be satisfied with an imperfect account of them.
'I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, (says out Author) to Thew, a single advantage that this continent can reap, by being connected with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge, not a fingle advantage is derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and our imported goods must be paid for, buy them where we will
1' But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection, are witbout number; and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourselves, inftruct us to renounce the alliance : because, any fabmission to, or dependance on Great Britain, tends directly to involve this continent in European wars and quarrels; and set us at variance with nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against whom we have neither anger nor complaint. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought to form no partial connection with any part of it. It is the true interest of America to lieer clear of European contentions, which she never can do, while by her dependance on Britain, he is made the make-weight in the scale of British poo litics.
• Europe is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace, and whenever a war breaks out between England and any foreigo power, the trade of America goes to ruin because of her connt&ien with Britain. The next war may not turn out like the laft, and Thould it not, the advocates for reconciliation now, will be withing for separation then, because neutrality in the case would be a safer convoy than a man of war. Every thing that is right or natural pleads for separation. The blood of the sain, the weeping voice of nature cries, 'Tis TIME TO PART. Even the distance at which the Almighty hath placed England and America, is a strong and natural proof, that the authority of the one, over the other, was never the design of Heaven, The time likewise at which the continent was discovered, adds weight to the argument, and the manner in which it was peopled encreases the force of it. The reformation was preceded by the discovery of America, as if the Almighty graciously meant to open a sanctuary to the persecuted in future years, when home should afford neither friend thip nor safety.
• The authority of Great Britain over this continent, is a form of government, which sooner or later must have an end : and a serious mind can draw no true pleasure by looking forward, under the painful and positive conviction, that what he calls “ the present conftication" is merely temporary. As parents, we can have no joy, kdowing that this government is not sufficiently lasting to ensure any thing which we may bequeath to pofterity : And by a plain method of argument, as we are running the next generation into debt, we ought to do the work of it, otherwise we use them meanly and pitifully. In order to discover the line of our duty rightly, we thould take our
children in our hand, and fix our station a few years farther into life; that eminence will present a prospect, which a few present fears and prejudices conceal from our sight.
"It is repugnant to reason, to the univerfal order of things, to all examples from former ages, to suppose, that this continent can long remain subject to any external power. The most fanguine in Britain does not think so. The utmost stretch of human wisdom cannot, at this time, compass a plan short of separation, which can prou ise che continent even a year's security. Reconciliation is now a fallacious dream. Nature hath deserted the connexion, and art cannot supply her place. For, as Milion wisely exprelles, “ Never can true reconcilement grow, where wounds of deadly hate huve pierc'd so deep.” . • Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our prayers have been rejected with disdain; and only tended to convince us, that nothing flatters vanity, or confirms oblinacy in Kings more than repeated petitioning ---- and nothing hach contributed more than that very measure to make the Kings of Europe ab: solute: witness Denmark and Sweden. Wherefore, fince nothing but blows will do, for God's sake, let us come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation to be cutting throats, under the violaced unmeaning names of pareitt and child.
• To say, they will never atcernpe it again is idle and visionary, we thought so at the repcal of the stamp-act, yet a year or two undeceived us; as well may we suppose that nations, which have been once defeated, will never renew the quarrel.
• As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do this continent justice : the business of it will soon be too weighty,
and intricate, to be managed with any tolerable degree of conve- nience, by a power so distant from us, and so very ignorant of us;
for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. To be al. way's running three or four thousand miles with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five months for an answer, which when obtained requires five or six more to explain it in, will in a few years be looked upon as folly and childishness-There was a time when it was proper, and there is a proper time for it co cease.'
Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the proper objects for kingdoms to take under their care ; but there is some. thing very absurd in suppofing a continent to be perpetually governed by an island. In no instance hach nature made the fatellite larger than its primary planet, and as England and America, with respect to each other, reverses the common order of nature, it is evident they belong to different systems; England to Europe, America to itself.
l am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to espouse the doctrine of separation and independance; I am clearly, positively, and conscientioully persuaded, that it is the true interest of this continent to be so;, that every thing short of that is mere patchwork, that it can afford no lasting felicity, that it is leaving the sword to our children, and shrinking back at a time, when a little more, a little farther, would have rendered this continent the glory of the earth.'
4thly, Of 4thly, of the present Ability of America, with jeme miscellaneous
Reflexions. From this section we can only give the two following extraets.
• It is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great ftrength, lies ; yet our present numbers are sufficient to repel the force of all the world. The Continent hath, at this time, the largest body of armed and disciplined men of any power ander Heaven ; and is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in which no fingle Colony is able to support itself, and the whole, when anited, can accon. plish the matter, and either more or less than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our land force is already sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot be insensible, that Britain would never suffer an American man of war to be built, while the Continent remained in her hands. Wherefore we should be no forwarder an hundred years hence in that branch, than we are now; but the truth is, we ihould be less so, because the timber of the country is every day diminishing, and that, which will remain at laft, will be far off and dificult to procure.
." Were the Continent crowded with inhabitants, her sofferings under the present circumstances would be intolerable. The more sea-port towns we had, the more should we have both to defend and to lose. Our present numbers are so happily proportioned to our wants, that no man necd be idle. The diminution of trade al fords an army, and the necessities of an army create a new trade.
Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave pofterity with a settled form of government, an independant constitution of its own, the purchase at any price will be cheap, But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts repealed, and routing the present ministry only, is unworthy the charge, and is using pofterity with the utmost cruelty ; because it is leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon their backs, from which they derive no advantage. Such a thought is unworthy a man of honour, and is the true characteristic of a nasrow heart and a pedling politician,
• The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard, if the work be but accomplished. No nation ought to be without debt. A national debt is a national bond; and when it bears no interest, is in no case a grievance. Britain is opressed with a debt of upwards of one hundred and fifty millions sterling, for which the pays upwards of four millions interest." As a compensation for her debt, she has a large navy; America is without a debt, and with. out a navy ; yet for the twentieth part of the English nacional debt, could have a navy as large again. The navy of England is not worth, at this time, more than three millions and an half fter: ling.'
No country on the globe is so happily fituated, or so internally capable of raising a Aeet as America. Tar, timber, iron, and cordage, are her natural produce. We need go abroad for nothing. Whereas the Dutch, who make large profits by hiring out their fhips of war to the Spaniards and Portuguese, are obliged