May 28.

It was moved to go into a committee on the silk bill, being the order of the day.

Earl Paulet opposed the motion. His lordship stated the increasing and flourishing state of the manufacture, and the comparative value of labour and provisions in France and England; and observed, that by some of the clauses in the act, the raw silk was enhanched on the manufacturer: that the act now to be continued, being near expiring, raw silk had fallen in its value; but that, as soon as this bill had passed the other House, it suddenly rose again; he contended, therefore, that every law which raised the raw materials on the manufacturer was impolitic; and moved, that the order be postponed till that day three months.

Lord Viscount Weymouth said, that the bill had been tried, and had for several years been highly approved of. That he was not sufficiently acquainted with the subject, to controvert the facts stated by the noble earl; but should the bill, without any other provision having been made (which must be the case so late in the session), be lost, French silks would be poured in on us, to the utter ruin of the native manufacture. On this ground he recommended to the noble earl to withdraw his motion; to go into the committee; and then to move a shorter time, for one year, for instance, till the whole subject could be fully discussed in the next session; for if that should not prove agreeable, his lordship might let the bill pass unnoticed in the committee, and oppose it on the third reading.

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Earl Paulet closed with the first proposition, and moved in the committee, that the duration of the bill might be one, instead of six years; and the question being put, the motion passed in the negative.

Lord Camden gave notice, that on the 30th, the Earl of Chatham would attend the House, and make a motion respecting the American war. His lordship moved, that the Lords might be summoned for that day. Agreed to. Adjourned to the 30th.

May 30.

The Earl of Chatham. My lords, this is a flying moment; perhaps but six weeks left to arrest the dangers that surround us. The gathering storm may break; it has already opened, and in part burst. It is difficult for government, after all that has passed, to shake hands with defiers of the King, defiers of the Parliament, defiers of the people. I am a defier of nobody; but if an end is not put to this war, there is an end to this country. I do not trust my judgment in my present state of health; this is the judgment of my better days; the result of forty years attention to America. They are rebels; but what are they rebels for? Surely not for defending their unquestionable rights! What have these rebels done heretofore? I remember when they raised four regiments on their own bottom, and took Louisburg from the veteran troops of France. But their excesses have been great. I do not mean their panegyric; but must observe in attenuation, the erroneous and infatuated counsels which have prevailed-the door to mercy and justice has been shut against them. But they may still be taken up upon the grounds of their former submission. [Referring to their petition.] I state to you the importance of America; it is a double market; the market of consumption, and the market of supply. This double market for millions, with naval stores, you are giving to your hereditary rival. America has carried you through four wars, and will now carry you to your death, if you don't take things in time. In the sportsman's phrase, when you have found yourselves at fault, you must try back. You have ransacked every corner of Lower Saxony; but 40,000 German boors never can conquer ten times the number of British freemen: they may ravage ; they cannot conquer. But you would conquer, you say ! Why, what would you conquer-the map of America? I am ready to meet any general officer on the subject [looking at Lord Amherst.] What will you do out of the protection

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tion of your fleet? In the winter, if together, they are starved; and if dispersed, they are taken off in detail. I am experienced in spring hopes, and vernal promises; I know what ministers throw out; but at last will come your equinoctial disappointment. The tell you what? That your army will be as strong as last year, when it was not strong enough. You have got nothing in America but stations. You have. been three years teaching them the art of war. They are. apt scholars, and I will venture to tell your lordships, that the American gentry will make officers enough, fit to command the troops of all the European powers. What you have sent there, are too many to make peace, too few to make war. If you conquer them, what then? You cannot make them respect you; you cannot make them wear your cloth. You will plant an invincible hatred in their breasts against you. Coming from the stock they do, they can never respect you. If ministers are founded, in saying there is no sort of treaty with France, there is still a moment left; the point of honour is still safe. France must be as self-destroying as England, to make a treaty, while you are giving her America at the expence of twelve millions a-year. The intercourse has produced every thing to France; and England, Old England, must pay for all. I have at different times made different propositions, adapted to the circumstances in which they were offered. The plan contained in the former bill, is now impracticable: the present motion will tell you where you are, and what you have now to depend upon. It may produce a respectable division in America, and unanimity at home. It will give America an option: she has yet had no option. You have said, lay down your arms, and she has given you the Spartan answer, "Come, take."

[Here he read his motion.]

:

"THAT an humble address be presented to his Majesty, most dutifully representing to his royal wisdom, that this House is deeply penetrated with the view of impending ruin to the kingdom, from the continuation of an unnatural war against the British colonies in America; and most humbly to advise his Majesty to take the most speedy and effectual measures for putting a stop to such fatal hostilities, upon the only just and solid foundation, namely, the removal of accumulated grievances; and to assure his Majesty, that this House will enter upon this great and necessary work with cheerfulness and dispatch, in order to open to his Majesty the only means of regaining the affections of the British colonies,

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nies, and of securing to Great Britain the commercial advantages of these valuable possessions; fully persuaded, that to heal and to redress, will be more congenial to the goodness and magnanimity of his Majesty, and more prevalent over the hearts of generous and free-born subjects, than the rigours of chastisement and the horrors of civil war, which hitherto have served only to sharpen resentments and consolidate union, and if continued, must end in finally dissolving all ties between Great Britain and the colonies."

Lord Chatham afterwards rose to explain what indeed he had before explained to Lord Lyttelton. The proposal is specific. I thought this so clear, that I did not enlarge upon it. I mean the redress of all their grievances, and the right of disposing of their own money. This is to be done instantaneously. I will get out of my bed, to move it on Monday. This will be the herald of peace; this will open the way for treaty; this will shew Parliament sincerely disposed. Yet still much must be left to treaty. Should you conquer this people, you conquer under the cannon of France; under a masked battery then ready to open. The moment a treaty appears, you must declare war, though you had only five ships of the line in England; but France will defer a treaty as long as possible. You are now at the mercy of every little German chancery; and the pretensions of France will increase daily, so as to become an avowed party in either peace or war, We have tried for unconditional submission; try what can be gained by unconditional redress. Less dignity will be lost in the repeal, than in submitting to the demands of German chanceries. We are the aggressors; we have invaded them; we have invaded them, as much as the Spanish Armada invaded England. Mercy cannot do harm; it will seat the King where he ought to be, throned on the hearts of his people; and millions at home and abroad, now employed in obloquy or revolt, would pray for him.

In making his motion for addressing the King, he insisted frequently and strongly on the absolute necessity of imme diately making peace with America. Now, he said, was the crisis, before France was a party to the treaty. This was the only moment left, before the fate of this country was decided. The French court, he observed, was too wise to lose the opportunity of effectually separating America from the dominions of this kingdom. That whenever France or Spain entered into a treaty of any sort with America, Great Britain must immediately declare war against them. That

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That he would be among the first to advise it, even if we had but five ships of the line in our ports; and that such a treaty must and would shortly take place, were pacification delayed. War between France and Great Britain, he said, was not less probable because it had not yet been declared: it would be folly in France to declare it now, while America gave full employment to our arms, and was pouring into her lap her wealth and produce, the benefit of which she was enjoying in peace. He repeated, that America was contending with Great Britain under a masked battery of France, which would open upon this country as soon as she was fully prepared for war. He enlarged much on the importance of America to this country, which in peace and in war, he observed, he ever considered as the great source of all our wealth and power. And then added [raising his voice], " Your trade languishes, your taxes increase, your revenues diminish; France at this moment is securing and drawing to herself that commerce which created your seamen, fed your islands, &c." He reprobated the measures which produced, and which have been pursued in the conduct of the civil war, in the severest language-infatuated measures giving rise, and still continuing a cruel, unnatural, self-destroying war. Success, it is said, is hoped for in this campaign. Why? Because our army will be as strong this year as it was last, when it was not strong enough. The notion of conquering America was treated with the greatest contempt. What is it you propose to conquer? The map of America? As to the conquest of the country itself, the gaining of ten pitched battles would do nothing towards it. It is the descendants of Britons, inheriting their wisdom, fortitude, and perseverance-it is their country you have invaded. Were it practicable, by a long continued course of success, to conquer it, the holding of it in subjection afterwards, would be utterly impossible. No benefit to be derived from that country to this, but by the good-will and pure affection of the inhabitants. This is not to be gained by force of arms. Their affection is only to be re-gained by reconciliation and justice.

Earl Gower [president of the council] said, he thought it his duty to rise and oppose the motion made by the noble earl, for several strong and important reasons. In the first place, it arraigned the conduct of the nation, and condemned in the most improper terms, the measures which had been sanctioned by the Parliament and people; and yet it was