in favour of this restriction were cogent and irresistible. The religious liberty of the people was regarded as intimately connected with their civil welfare. A recent example had taught them, that the character of a popish prince was inseparable from that of a despot; and they wished for ever to prevent the repetition of the wrongs and outrages, which had sprung from the union of bigotry with arbitrary power. Influenced by a spirit of moderation, and rather seeking. a remedy for past abuses, than framing a government upon principles of hazardous and untried theory, they made few changes in the established laws and statutes. But they thought it a duty incumbent upon them to embrace this opportunity of giving their due strength, vigour, and authority, to the liberty of the subject. Accordingly, the ascendancy of the law above the will of the king was fully declared, his dispensing authority was judged illegal, and the undoubted privileges of the subject to petition for a redress of grievances, and to provide for his self defence, were guarded against violation, in the most clear and positive terms. The king was invested with every power, which his predecessors had exercised over parliaments, corporations, the army, and the navy, except the power of doing injury; and his subjects were laid under those equitable restraints, which were most consistent with rational liberty. And to complete their independence, the privileges of Englishmen were not solicited as a favour, but asserted in the most emphatical terms, as an undoubted and inherent right. Allegiance and protection were declared reciprocal ties depending upon each other, and the dignity and honour of the King were involved in the security and happiness of his subjects.

The reign of QUEEN ANNE was distinguished by a successful war against France, in which John duke of Marlborough, one of the greatest generals, not only of his age, but of modern times, defeated by an uninterrupted succession of victories at the head of the allied armies of England, Germany, and Holland, the attempts of Louis XIV. to obtain universal sovereignty; and raised the renown both of himself and his country to the highest pitch of glory. This reign is also rendered memorable by the union of England and Scotland, and their joint representation in the parliament of Great Britain-measures which the regularly increasing and uninterrupted prosperity of both countries has amply justified. A. D. 1706. The death of Queen Anne was followed by the succession of the house of Hanover to the throne; and each descendant of this illustrious family, particularly the REVERED SOVEREIGN who now holds the sceptre of the United Kingdom, has ever protected the civil and religious rights of his subjects from violation, and built his glory upon the firmest basis, by reigning in the hearts of his subjects, and maintaining the most endearing and the most exalted of all human charcaters-even that of being the FATHER OF HIS PEOPLE.

Expedient as the steps taken at the revolution might be to settle the government, it is unfortunate for the tranquillity of the country, that the event gave rise to political divisions. The whigs and the tories have since divided the kingdom, and kept alive the flames of party spirit. Possibly, however, in a free country like our own, where a wide field is opened for a rivalry of talents, and a competition of interests, this counterbalance of parties may prevent evil, if it does not produce good. If the current of opinion

flowed only in one stream, the vigilance of government might be relaxed, the arrogance of men in office might want a salutary check, or their supineness be deprived of a stimulative; and no place could be found for that exertion of abilities, which often takes its rise from opposition. Whatever be the party, under which they may be enlisted, we may be certain the men in power can only secure the great and permanent prosperity of the nation by a conscientious, upright, and magnanimous discharge of their duty. The history of the two parties is recorded with singular correctness by Rapin, a dispassionate and candid foreigner.* His detail affords sufficient proofs how impolitic as well as

See Rapin, vol. iii, p. 796. Of his impartiality and candour there are many instances. In his Life of Edward III. vol. i, p. 418, and p. 436. See his remarks on the treaty of Bretigny-his Letter to Robethon at the end of vol. ii, and p. 807 of the Dissertation on whigs and tories. To extricate himself from some historical difficulties, he has laid down two excellent rules. He remarks that the national prejudices of our historians are very rooted, chiefly upon two articles-the violation of treaties, and the success of battles. For the former, where the truth was no other way to be discovered, he has frequently made use of a very natural maxim, viz. that it is not likely that the party to whom a treaty is advantageous, should be the first to break it. As for the second article, nothing is more common than to see historians hesitate to own their nation vanquished, and they think it incumbent upon them to diminish their losses, or magnify their victories. On these occasions, when Rapin could not fix the success of a battle by the consequences, he has taken care to inform the reader of the disagreement between the Historians. See Preface, p. 4,

wicked it is in every statesman, while he holds the honours, and treasures of the kingdom in his hands, not to prefer disinterestedness to corruption, independence to servility, and public good to every consideration of partial and private advantage.

CHAPTER II.

THE SUBJECT CONTINUED.

THIS transient and superficial view of the progress" of the constitution has enabled us to discover, that the rays of true liberty first illuminated our Saxon ancestors; the despotism of the Normans suddenly obscured this auspicious morning; but the sun of freedom broke through the gloom, spread its beam over Runny Mead and the plains of Merton, where the barons nobly vindicated their ancient rights from the oppression of their monarchs. The storms of civil war between the houses of York and Lancaster raged with violence for a time, and darkened the political horizon with the most tempestuous clouds. But the glorious sun of liberty again displayed itself at the reformation, was again obscured by the conflict of king and people, and finally shone forth with meridian glory at the revolution.

The gradual progress of liberty in England was not more beneficial with respect to the government of the country, than conductive to the enlargement and freedom of opinion. The powers of the mind were directed with ardour and success to the examination of those rooted prejudices, which had been long received without sufficient reason. The struggles of contending

factions gave birth to the exertions of Milton, Sidney Locke, and Somers. These writers were the founders of new political schools; and we may rank among their disciples a Montesquieu, a Rousseau, a Voltaire, a Franklin, and a Washington. If ever the American is disposed to boast of the freedom of his country, let him recollect, that the lessons of that freedom were taught him by the parent state. When the French maintain, that the plans of any of their varying forms of democracy, since the revolution of 1789, have originated solely in the abstract principles and deduction of reason, do they not forget that Britain first suggested to their legislators their best and most approved maxims of government : and that even at the present moment, while they boast of enacting the most equitable laws, they transcribe the statute book of this country? When an Englishman asks these questions, he indulges much nobler and more generous feelings than those of vanity or arrogance; for he experiences the most genuine satisfaction to observe, that the blessings he enjoys are not limited to his own country; and while he protests against any deductions which may be made from the principles of his own government, that may disturb social order, and lead to anarchy and confusion, he is happy whenever they are so judiciously reduced to practice as to promote the general welfare of mankind.

In tracing the stream of liberty from its lowest ebb to its highest tide, the different events, which have been brought forward in this short detail, are designed to suggest, rather than to state a variety of useful reflections. It is evident that the British constitution has reached its present state of improvement, not se