The Greek Kinura, instrument to accompany the voice, and that its form was something very similar to that of the lyre of later times. The kinnoor is not mentioned again in the Scriptures until six hundred years after the Deluge, and then so as to denote that it was used on festal occasions; for Laban complains that the unexpected departure of Jacob prevented him from sending him away "with songs, with tabret, and with kinnoor." The kinnoor is not again noticed until the time of Samuel, when we first find it mentioned in a way that shows that it was used by the prophets in their sacred music; for Samuel predicted to Saul that he should meet a company of prophets "coming down from the high place, with a psaltery, a tabret, and a pipe, and a kinnoor." (1Sam. 10. 5.) When Saul was afflicted with his melancholy madness, it was recommended that recourse should be had to "a man who is a cunning player on the kinnoor." David was selected for this purpose, and when the evil spirit came upon Saul, "David took a kinnoor, and played with his hand; so Saul was refreshed, and was well, and the evil spirit departed from him." (1Sam. 16. 23.) After this time the kinnoor is frequently mentioned. Eusebius seems to have entertained the opinion that the kinnoor was the lyre, for he says that "David carried his lyre with him wherever he went, to console him in his affliction, and to sing to it the praises of God." It was the kinnoor likewise which the captives at Babylon suspended upon the willows by the Euphrates, and from the Babylonians being desirous to hear them sing to the lyre some of their native songs, it would appear that the Hebrews had become skilled in music, especially on the kinnoor. It is represented as being used at feasts, (Isai. 5. 12;) that women sometimes played upon it, (Isai. 23. 16;) that its notes were cheerful, (Job 21. 2; 30. 31;) and were also sometimes mournful. (Isai. 16. 11.) Some have supposed that the kinnoor was of a triangular form, similar to the tebouni of the Egyptians, and that it had only four strings; but, as before observed, very little is certainly known on the subject. However, it is only from Egyptian sources that we can derive any information, as the identification of the Jewish instruments with those of the Greeks has never yet been satisfactorily effected. Sir John Gardner Wilkinson observes:-"Some light might be thrown on the names of the various harps, lyres, and other musical instruments of Egypt, if those mentioned in the Bible were more accurately defined; but much confusion exists between the cithara or kitarus, the ashur, the sambuc, the nabl, and the kinnoor: nor can the various kinds of drums, cymbals, or wind instruments of the Jews be more satisfactorily ascertained. The difficulty of identifying them is not surprising, when we observe how many names the Greeks had for their stringed instruments, and how the harps and lyres represented in the Egyptian sculptures, approach each other in principle and form; and we sometimes hesitate whether to ascribe them a place among the former or the latter. "The Egyptian lyre was not less varied in its form and the number of its chords than the harp; and they ornamented it with the numerous fancy devices their taste suggested. Diodorus limits the number of its chords to three; however, as his description does not apply to the Egyptian lyre, but to the guitar, it is unnecessary to introduce it here. "Many of the lyres were of considerable power, having five, seven, ten, and eighteen strings. They were usually supported between the elbow and the side, and the mode of playing them was generally with the hand, and not, as in Greece and Rome, with a plectrum; and as it occurs in the sculptures of the earliest periods, it is evident they did not borrow it from Greece. Sometimes the Egyptians touched the chords with the left hand, while they struck them with the plectrum; and the same appears in the frescos of Herculaneum. "Some lyres were ornamented with the head of a favourite animal carved in wood, as the horse, ibex, or gazelle; and others were of more simple shape. The strings were fastened at the upper end to a cross-bar connecting the two sides, and at the lower end they were attached to a raised ledge, or hollow sounding-board, about the centre of the body, which was of wood, like the rest of the instrument. The Berlin and Leyden LYRE and in form, principle, and the alternating length of its chords resembles others that have been found at Thebes; though the board to which the strings are fastened is nearer the bottom of the instrument, and the number of strings is thirteen instead of ten; and thus we have an opportunity of comparing real Egyptian lyres with the representations of them drawn by Theban artists, in the reign of Amunoph I., and other early monarchs, more than three thousand years ago. The body of the Berlin lyre is about ten inches high, and fourteen and a half broad, and the total height of the instrument is two feet. That of Leyden is smaller, and less ornamented, but it is equally well preserved, and highly interesting from a hieratic inscription written in ink upon the front. It had no extra sounding-board; its hollow body sufficiently answered this purpose; and the strings probably passed over a movable bridge, and were secured at the bottom by a small metal ring or staple. Both these lyres were entirely of wood, and one of the sides, as of many represented in the sculptures, was longer than the opposite one; so that they tuned the instrument by sliding the chords upwards, along the bar. 6 "The Jewish lyre, or kinnoor, had sometimes six, sometimes nine strings, and was played with the hand, or with a plectrum; and if, when we become better acquainted with the interpretation of hieroglyphics, the strangers at Beni Hassan should prove to be the arrival of Jacob's family in Egypt, we may examine the Jewish lyre drawn by an Egyptian artist. That this event took place about the period when the inmate of the tomb lived, is highly probable; at least if I am correct in considering Osirtasen to be the Pharaoh, the patron of Joseph; and it remains for us to decide whether the disagreement in the number of persons here introduced, thirty-seven being written over them in hieroglyphics, is a sufficient objection to their identity." See HARP; MUSICAL INSTRU MENTS. I. LYSIAS, Avotas, was a friend and relation of Antiochus Epiphanes, to whom he left the regency of Syria when he passed beyond the Euphrates. (1 Macc. 3. 32.) II. Lysias was a Roman chiliarch, who preserved St. Paul from a conspiracy of the Jews, (Acts 23. 26,) where he is termed Claudius Lysias. In ch. 24. 7,22, he is termed Lysias, the chief captain. The circumstances that connect his name with the Apostle Paul are narrated This officer appears in Acts, chapters 21, 22, and 23. to have held the chief military command in Jerusalem in the absence of the procurator. He was posted in the tower of Antonia, called "the castle," whence he issued with a band of soldiers to quell the tumult mentioned in Acts, ch. 21. 30-40. LYSTRA, AVOTρa, a city of Lycaonia, is chiefly celebrated for the miraculous cure there wrought upon the lame man, by Paul and Barnabas, which led the Lycaonians to suppose that the gods were come down to them in the likeness of men. (Acts 14. 10,11.) Ptolemy places Lystra in Isauria, and Strabo says that Derbe, mentioned in the Acts in connexion with Lystra, was on the borders of Isauria, while the Evangelist places them both in Lycaonia; it therefore appears that they were upon the indeterminate frontier between the two districts. two districts. Mr. Hamilton, in his Notes on Journeys in Asia Minor, in 1836-7, conjectures that Derbe is represented by a village bearing the modern name of Devli, although it has been generally identified with the ruins of Bin-bir-Kilisa, on the mountain called Karadágh. These ruins are very extensive and interesting, consisting chiefly of the remains of churches of great antiquity, and some of them of considerable size, and, with the exception of some large sarcophagi and tombs, appear to belong to the early ages of Christianity. Mr. Hamilton is inclined to refer them to Lystra, rather than Derbe, the latter place not being mentioned in the ecclesiastical notices; while the former is known to LYSANIAS, a tetrarch of Abilene, mentioned in have been an episcopal see during the reigns of the Luke 3. 1. See ABILENE. Byzantine emperors, and therefore a place where we might expect to find the remains of numerous churches, MACCABEES, the name ordinarily given to the whole of the sons of Mattathias, by whose heroic exertions their country was delivered from the oppressions of the Syrians, but, perhaps, in strictness applicable only to one of them. MAACAH, MAACHAН, у (2Sam. 10. 6,8; 1Chron. 19. 6,7,) and ♫y, Maachath, (Josh. 13. 13,) termed in our version "Maachathites," a people and country situated eastward from the Jordan. In 1Chronicles 19. 6, the district is termed, "SyriaMaachah," but which the Chaldee interprets, Syri in One authority derives the appellation Maccabee from vicinia Maacha. The name Maacathi occurs in Deute-p Makabi, the Hammerer, from p Makabah, a ronomy 3. 14. See GESHUR. I. MAACHAH, daughter of the King of Geshur, was the wife of David, and mother of Absalom. (2Sam. 3. 3.) II. Maachah, the daughter of Abishalom, was the wife of Rehoboam, king of Judah, and mother of Abijam his successor. In 2Chronicles 13. 2, she is called Michaiah, the daughter of Uriel of Gibeah. III. Maachah, the daughter of another Abishalom, was wife of Abijam, king of Judah, and mother of Asa, his successor. (1 Kings 15. 10,13.) She fell into idolatry, and "made an idol in a grove," for which her son removed her from being queen," and "destroyed her idol, and burnt it by the brook Kidron." 66 MAALEH-AKRABBIM. See AKRABBIM. MAARATH, л (Josh. 15. 59,) the name of a place in the mountains of the tribe of Judah, of which nothing is now known. hammer, and thinks that it was given to Judas on account of his personal strength and courage; while another treats the appellation as a general one, deriving it from a Cabbalistic word formed of M. C. B. I., the initial letters of the Hebrew text, Mi Chamoka Baalim Jehovah, "Who is like unto Thee among the gods, O Jehovah?" (Exod. 15. 11,) which letters might have been displayed on the sacred standard of the insurgents, like the S. P. Q. R. on the Roman ensigns, for Senatus Populus Que Romanus. On the subversion of the Babylonian empire, (B.C. 543,) Cyrus, the founder of the Persian monarchy, authorized the Jews, by an edict, to return into their own country, with full permission to enjoy their laws. and religion, and to rebuild the city and temple of Jerusalem. In the following year, part of the Jews returned under Zerubbabel, and renewed their sacrifices; the theocratic government, which had been in abeyance during the Captivity, was resumed; but the re-erection of the city and temple being interrupted for several years by the treachery and hostility of the Sama- | been unsuccessfully applied to seven sons of one mother, who in their very deaths defied their murderers. "It could not be, in the nature of men, but that injustice so cruel, and tyranny so insolent, should meet with a fierce and desperate resistance. The men who led that resistance, and brought it to something of a successful issue, were the brave and glorious family of the Maccabees, or Asamoneans. There was one Mattathias, a priest, who, with his five sons, for quiet removed from Jerusalem to Modin, an obscure village near Jamnia, hoping, perhaps, that the heathen would not find them out there. But the commissioners for the introduction of the idol-worship came, and in vain requested that Mattathias would set the example of submission to the royal command. What he refused to do, another, however, volunteered, and approached to sacrifice upon the altar prepared for the unlawful ceremony. At such a sight, the indignation of the aged priest made his blood boil within him; he leaped forward, killed the apostate upon the altar itself, and then slew the Syrian commissioner. After this, there was no safety but in flight, and he, with his sons, and hundreds of others, took refuge in the wilderness and caves of the mountains, feeding upon the wild produce of the uncultivated land. In this retreat they were hunted after, and a thousand were slain on the Sabbath, whenceforth they resolved on defending themselves on that day. It would appear that the hardships to which they were obliged to submit proved too severe for the old age of the high-spirited father of the Maccabees, for he soon died, leaving them an exhortation full of religious feeling and courage, never to surrender their trust in God. After his death, the talents and fortitude of Judas the Maccabee began to raise his country from her degraded condition. He had but small means for the great actions he achieved; bands of peasants, untaught in war, armed but inefficiently, destitute entirely of all the aids and appliances of military skill, even of provisions, but burning with fury against the heathen oppressor, and glad to sacrifice their lives in the cause of God and victory. He must have been educated, during his wanderings and concealments, in the best methods of rendering his small force available; and the lessons that events offered were well read by his active and penetrating mind. Wherever he went, all the information respecting the enemy's movements that he could desire, was conveyed to him eagerly by the people around, who would not utter to the Syrian even a whisper of his purposes. Thoroughly acquainted with all the glens and valleys of his mountain land, he could appear at any hour he pleased before the hostile camp, or watch their evolutions from the summits of his cliffs. He would never fail to remind his followers, that Jehovah was with them, and against their adversaries, and to recount the signal instances of triumph familiar to their ears, when his right hand had been outstretched to confound the host of the oppressors. Knowing the mixed character of Syrian armies, and the variety of their language, he dashed after midnight into the midst of their camps, and his watchword was the holy name of the Lord of Hosts. By such a course of operations, his countrymen began to consider him as the appointed instrument of their deliverance, and to invest him with a Divine commission; nothing under his command seemed too hard for them. General after general was discomfited, and army after army was disorganized; and they could even, by their rapid and unexpected assaults, make themselves masters of fortified places. In three years that elapsed after the pollution of the Temple, (B.C. 168 to 165,) he had beaten and driven out of Judæa, not by battles, but by sudden and paralyzing attacks, no less than four generals, with regular and numerous armies. MACCABEES. "In entering on the details of the successes of Judas, we observe the state of the parties. Syrian garrisons in Jerusalem and the Philistine towns, but the insurgents in possession of the open country. The disturbed state of Judæa first called forth Apollonius, a district commander from Samaria; he, we are simply told, was defeated and killed, his sword henceforth serving Judas for a memento of victory, and a trusty weapon. The insurrection next required the attention of Seron, provincial governor of Syria; he approached by the Mediterranean coast and Bethoron, a pass which we find constantly preferred by those who were masters of the maritime towns, but formerly, on account of the hostility of the Philistines, rarely used by the kings of Israel. Judas 'leapt upon him suddenly,' while entangled in the pass, and drove him, with the loss of eight hundred men, to take refuge in the walls of the Philistine fortresses. The means at the disposal of the local government having thus failed, an army was assembled, and Ptolemy Nicanor, and Gorgias, led forty thousand infantry and seven thousand cavalry towards the same pass of Bethoron. The army was followed by numerous slave merchants, to whom Nicanor promised ninety Jews per talent, about two pounds a head. The Jews, on their part, kept a great religious meeting at Mizpeh, to entreat God for success, and they then pitched on the south of Emmaus (Nicopolis). Gorgias, with a strong division, was despatched to make a circuit; and in his absence Judas, with three thousand men, who had neither efficient protection, armour, nor swords, 'as they wished,' burst, in the morning dusk, over the enemy's stockade, attacked that great army, well disciplined in war, scattered them to Gezer, Azotus (Ashdod), and Jamnia (Yabneh), fortified towns at hand (within twelve miles), and burnt their camp. Just after this, the smoke still rising towards the sky, Gorgias, who had been vainly seeking our hero in the mountains, showed the head of his detachment, but finding Judas cautiously prepared for him, withdrew in the same direction. The rebellion had now assumed a very serious character, and Lysias, governor of half the Syrian empire, resolved to superintend the operations in person. Avoiding the dangerous defiles entirely, he came by Idumea, that is, by the valley of Hebron, with sixty thousand infantry and five thousand horse, and pitched in Bethzur, between Hebron and Jerusalem. At this place Judas, whose previous exploits had assembled round him ten thousand men, attacked him, and though not actually victorious, displayed such desperation, that Lysias thought it prudent to withdraw again to Antioch. "Three years after the desolation of the Holy Place, Judas went up to Jerusalem, and on the same month and day as that of the pollution, he set up again, with unhewn stone, the altar of whole burnt offering, spread out the veils or curtains, relighted the sacred candlesticks, offered up incense, and placed shewbread on the table, with the sound of sacred instruments of music. He restored also the doors and walls of the Temple, and kept a festival of eight days on the joyful occasion. That it was possible for him so to enter and remain in the metropolis, and act thus contrary to the scheme of the king, which had been the cause of the rebellion, shows that he had wrought a great change in the face of affairs. But though there was no force to oppose him, the royal troops were ready at any moment to assemble again in Judæa, and a fortress in Jerusalem itself was garrisoned by Syrians. This fortress was not on Mount Sion, but in Acra, or the lower city. It was probably the Baris, or tower which was afterwards called Antonia; though a certain statement of Josephus, scarcely credible in itself, is at variance with the supposition. 799 "After some further desultory and successful warfare of the Jewish hero, Antiochus Epiphanes died in Persia, (B.C. 164,) and his son Antiochus Eupator, a mere child, succeeded him. This son, the heir of his crown, then about seven years old, he committed to the care of Lysias, a nobleman, and one of the blood royal.' Lysias, who had already felt the prowess of Judas, assumed the regency, and invading Judæa as before, on the south side through Idumea, with the young prince in person, he was met by the Maccabee, who seems to have had a larger company than usual, and amongst them some who were in correspondence with the enemy. Judas charged with his usual vigour; his brother Eleazar singled out the largest and most richly caparisoned elephant, supposing it bore the king, and striking right and left reached it, stabbed it in the belly, and was crushed to death by its fall. But the army of Lysias advanced, took Bethzur, (between Jerusalem and Hebron,) which the Jews had fortified, and relieved the garrison in Jerusalem, who were pressed by Judas. The victorious expedition was, however, unable to make further progress; it was interrupted by news that Philip, a courtier who had been entrusted by the deceased king with the custody of his son, had arrived at Antioch, and was taking measures adverse certainly to Lysias, and perhaps to his sovereign. Lysias, who had probably brought the prince with him, only that he might preserve the authority his person would give, returned to vindicate his influence in the capital, and Judas was left again master of the country. "And now other events distracted the Syrian government, and not only secured the Maccabees, but made them important and influential governors. Demetrius (Soter), the son of Seleucus Philopator, being very young, had borne the occupation of his hereditary throne by his uncle, Antiochus Epiphanes; but on the accession of Eupator, having arrived at the age of twenty-one, while the reigning prince was only nine, he felt that the tide of hope was at the flood, and that he must assert his title now or abandon it altogether. Impatient of his detention at Rome, he in vain brought his case before the senate, and requested his dismissal, and he consequently resolved on an escape, which he easily and successfully executed. On his arrival in Syria, the unhappy Eupator, and his guardian, Lysias, fell into his hands, and were put to death. (B.C. 162.) "The impunity of Judas could not be acceptable to the Syrian party among the Jews, who were looked upon by him as apostates and blasphemers, and who had indeed so far adopted the views of Antiochus Epiphanes, as to drop their real names and substitute Greek appellations. They appealed, therefore, not in vain, to Demetrius, for his encouragement, and he sent Nicanor with a force quite adequate against the irregular band of Judas. After a while, however, Nicanor fell, near Bethoron, in that fatal defile, before the enterprising chief, and his head and hand were displayed in the streets of Jerusalem. Bacchides was more successful: in an engagement, of which the place is doubtful, Judas, victorious over the right wing, and hurried away by the ardour of pursuit, was attacked in the rear by the unbroken troops of the left, and a thousand wounds numbered him with the dead. Jonathan and Simon took him up and buried him in Modin, in the tomb of his fathers. And all Israel mourned him with a great mourning, and sorrowed many days, and said, How is the mighty fallen that saved Israel.' "The death of Judas seemed to break the spell that surrounded with heavenly protection the chosen hero, and a time of great tribulation followed. Numbers submitted to the foreign yoke, and deserted the struggle for freedom: the Syrian party administered the govern- | ment, and were masters of the country; they searched out the adherents of Judas, and brought them to Bacchides for judgment. Jonathan, the new leader of the patriotic band, was obliged to retire; yet, when encircled by the Syrian general, he fought his way through the enemy, with a loss to them of a thousand men. Bacchides and his party had full possession of Judæa for two years; many towns being occupied by regularly provisioned garrisons-the Acra of Jerusalem, Jericho, Emmaus, Bethoron, Gezer, Timnath, and Bethel-and the sons of the principal men being detained as hostages. Jonathan, during these two years, was unmolested; for the immediate object of the Syrian king, and the token of his sovereignty, had been the maintenance of the Hellenizing Alcimus, or Jachim, in the high-priesthood: at his death, therefore, by paralysis, consequent, as is half suggested, upon some innovations of his about the Temple, Bacchides himself left Judæa, and active operations were suspended. A new attempt to seize Jonathan altered the face of affairs: the aggression was repulsed; his little fortress was besieged, but he burnt the machines, and the attack ended in an arrangement by which Bacchides withdrew, and Jonathan, taking up his residence openly in Michmash, judged the people. "From the accession of Demetrius, ten years were reckoned, when Alexander Bala, an impostor, who pretended to the crown as a son of Epiphanes, gained a vote of the Roman senate, jealous of Demetrius's escape, in his favour, and seized Ptolemais. Jonathan, as the known popular leader of his countrymen, was solicited on either hand, and on Bala's presentation assumed the robes and insignia of the sacred office of high-priest (at the feast of Tabernacles, B.C. 151); the offers of Demetrius, outbidding his rival, were distrusted. Jonathan collected considerable forces, and seems to have contributed to the victory of the impostor, by whom he was well received, and appointed to the united civil and military command of the district. Two years later, Demetrius Nicator, the son of Soter, and, his father being killed, the legitimate king of Syria, attacked the pretender Bala. Apollonius, a general of his, opposed Jonathan, and, unwilling to enter the mountains, sent him a challenge to battle in the plain of Jamnia, where were no rocks and holes to hide in.' Jonathan baffled | and defeated him even in the plain, took Joppa and Ashdod, or Azotus, and destroyed with fire the house of Dagon, in or near that city. As an acknowledgment of these services, his sovereign, Alexander, sent him a golden fibula or clasp, a token of high rank, worn only by the royal family, or through special concession. Bala shortly perished in a quarrel with Ptolemy Philometor, and Nicator was seated on the throne. Jonathan, in the rapidity of the revolution, had not decisively espoused, but had yet rather favoured, Alexander's cause, and was accused before the new king for besieging the Syrian garrison in the Acra. He was accordingly summoned to court; a mandate which was received with some hesitation, as there was evidently danger in obedience, while a refusal would render him and his party obnoxious to the sovereign. Jonathan, against his friends' counsel, determined on complying, and waited on Demetrius at Ptolemais, where, by handsome presents, he paid his homage, and by fair words conciliated the royal favour. "Some time afterwards, Jonathan, or some Jews who were under his influence, were of real service to Demetrius Nicator. The king had disbanded the large armies kept on foot by his predecessors, and retained only a body-guard of Cretans. The people of Antioch, always prone to insurrection, now rose, with or without cause, and, like the Paris mobs of our own days, attacked the palace with arms in their hands; but three thousand Jews, who were in the town, took part in the king's defence, defeated the insurgents, and were gratified with the plunder of the turbulent city. Demetrius, however, even after this, kept Jonathan in strict subjection, and extended no special favour to the Jews; thus the keys of their country, Bethzur, &c., were still occupied by Syrian garrisons. "Judæa, as may be seen by the sketch we have already given, was so united with Syria, for good or ill, that it is impossible to follow the history of the former without comprehending, in our view, the vicissitudes of the empire of which it formed a part. Even our guides, Josephus, and the first book of Maccabees, willing as they are to dwell on personal feats of valour, on orations or praises of their heroes, find it impracticable to dispense with the mention of the changes continually occurring among the Syrian despots. The seed of civil dissension that had been sown by the establishment of Antiochus Epiphanes, the younger brother, on the throne, continued to produce abundant fruit. Diodotus, otherwise called Trypho, calculating on the dissatisfaction of the disbanded troops, produced the son of Bala, a mere child, as king, drove Demetrius before him, and got possession of the capital, Antioch. Jonathan, remembering probably the estimation in which he had stood with the father of this child, and finding himself but indifferently treated by Demetrius, devoted himself to the new candidate, and had a skirmish, near the lake Gennesareth, with the troops of his antagonist. Driven out of Antioch, Demetrius Nicator passed the Euphrates, and contented himself with the government of the central provinces. During these commotions Jonathan, looking for a time when he should be independent of Syria, sent, after the example set by his brother Judas, an embassy to Rome, a state ready to interfere in the affairs of all nations, and contracted a treaty of alliance. The Romans indirectly had been the causes of the troubles of Syria; they had stopped Antiochus the Great by the defeat near Magnesia, and had checked Epiphanes by their ambassadors in Egypt; thus nipping the growth of the empire externally; and internally, also, their detention of the rightful heir at Rome had been the cause of the civil wars. for the alliance with the Jews to which they agreed, it had on their part no other object than to afford a handle of interference, when desirable; yet, as events turned out, it was never acted on, and goes for nothing. As "Trypho, rid of Demetrius Nicator, began to entertain designs of usurping the throne himself; and as Jonathan, who had owed much to Alexander Bala, might feel some attachment for the young prince, or pretended prince, his son, and prove an obstacle to these schemes, he, therefore, under the guise of the warmest friendship, entrapped the unsuspecting Maccabee into Ptolemais, and, after slaughtering his attendants, seized his person. The distress which the Jews felt, and which they had the most unhappy reason to feel, at this reverse, brought about too by means so infamous, was somewhat alleviated by the decision and promptitude of Simon, who declared that, his brother being lost, he would himself be their leader. Trypho, to follow up his advantage, attempted to enter Judæa with his forces, and at Adida, the situation of which is uncertain, was met by Simon, prepared for the conflict. The base regent sent a message, stating that Jonathan was in arrest for the debts due to the royal exchequer, and that if a hundred talents of silver, and two of Jonathan's sons, were sent him, the high-priest himself should be liberated. Simon might easily see through the falsehood, but unwilling to have any responsibility for his brother's life imputed to him, he did as the regent desired, yet the promise was not |