Yours of the 26th of January, acknowledging the receipt of the resolutions unanimously adopted by the State of South Carolina, was received yesterday; and I must be permitted to correct a very grave error into which you have fallen in relation to them. You speak of the resolutions as requesting this State (Maryland) to join in the appointment of Deputies to a Convention of the Slave-Holding States, for their united action in regard to secession from the Union." If there is anything in the resolutions proposing a secession from the Union," I am unable find it, and deny that South Carolina proposes any such measures to Maryland, or her other coStates. By re-examining the resolutions, you will find that all that South Carolina proposes is, that the Slave-Holding States should immediately meet together to concert measures for the united action," and that it is a forced and unwarrantable construction of the resolutions to say, that "concerted action" means secession from the Union. I belong to that class of politicians who have been denounced fire-eaters," and never, for a moment, have I desired a dissolution of the Union, if our rights in the Union are respected and our equality recognized. And I solemnly believe that the very best way to preserve the Union, is for the Southern States to meet and insist upon their rights, and to act in concert in defending them. If the South were united, they could preserve the Union, and at the same time have their rights respected and recognized. It is because the Southern States have acted with so much jealousy and distrust towards each other, that the North has been able to encroach upon their rights, and war upon their institutions. If I desired a disso as lution of the Union, and wished to effect it, nothing would please me more than to meet in Convention: for then the the refusal of the Slave-Holding States North will continue its aggressions, and. some of the Slave-Holding States, goaded to madness, will secede, preferring to be held as conquered provinces rather than become voluntary slaves. Speaking for myself, I would rather South Carolina should become the cemetery of freemen than the habitation of Slaves," and animated by these sentiments, our people never will submit to inequality and degradation. With great respect, WM. H. GIST. This letter explains fully and ably the objects of the proposed Convention. A perpetuation of the Union, and to advise the South how to act in the present critical condition of the country. The Minority of the Joint Committee of the Virginia Legislature, upon the South Carolina Resolutions, speak of this as follows: "We submit with great deference that if 'concurrent action and efficient cooperation' upon the part of the Southern States be desirable, for the purpose of protecting the rights and liberties of the people and preserving the Federal Union, they may be most safely and certainly obtained through the agency of an assemblage, which can exercise no legitimate power, except to debate and advise.' In the opinion of the Minority of your Committee, the want of power in the proposed Conference to do more than debate and advise,' so far from constituting an objection to it, furnishes a strong argument in its favor, and gives assurance to the timid, that none of the evils, so hastily predicted by the opponents of the measure, can possibly result from the proposed Conference of the Southern States." * * * * ** * "It is not in the South alone that we tional means, to obtain for Virginia her full, equal, and constitutional rights under the Federal Government. "We also know it has been reprerented by some, that it is the avowed object of South Carolina to bring about this Conference for the purpose of dissolving the Union. Neither in her resolutions, nor in the address of her Com-missioner, can any warrant for such an assertion be found. assertion be found. South Carolina has spoken in her resolutions, and through her Commissioner, with that candor and frankness becoming the occasion, and her chivalrous character. Let her speak for herself, and let an enlightened and candid people judge whether she has not been grossly misrepresented in her purposes and declarations. "The preamble to her resolutions announces that, in 1852, by her ordinance, she 'affirmed her right to secede from the Confederacy whenever the occasion. should arise justifying her, in her own judgment, in taking that step; and in the resolution adopted by her Convention, declared, that she forbore the immediate exercise of that right from considerations of expediency only.' look for the happiest results from such a Conference. We believe that the conservative masses of the North will be aroused by such a Conference as we propose; that concurrent action, and efficient co-operation, may be anticipated from them, and that they will cordially unite with us to save that Union which they, in common with us, regard as the palladium of our political safety and prosperity.' We repeat then, that it is with no spirit or desire to weaken or destroy the bonds that bind together the States of the American Union, but to strengthen them, that we urge the General Assembly of Virginia to respond to the in vitation of South Carolina, by sending delegates to the proposed Conference. Let Virginia send such men as she may safely confide in for prudence, patriotism and discretion; such men as will counsel | wisely and firmly-who, whilst they make known the policy deemed by Virginia best suited to the emergency for the common defence, will urge upon our Southern Sisters, the adoption of that policy, and invoke them to remain with us in the Union; and exhaust every peaceful and constitutional means for its preservation and restoration, before they withdraw from it, and involve themselves and us in the disaster of its overthrow. We know full well that the effort has been made, and will be made again, for purposes best known to those who engage in it, to stigmatize as Disunionists all who think that the Southern States may and should meet together, and counsel for their common safety, and for re-affirmed the right, but desisted from the dress of their common grievances. If act of secession. And why did she deany amongst us are weak enough to be sist? Because Virginia, by her resolufrightened from their propriety by such tions of December, 1851, earnestly and false clamor, we have only to say for affectionately appeals to her sister State of ourselves, that the application of such an South Carolina, to desist from any mediepithet cannot deter us from urging a tated secession on her part, which cannot measure, upon the success of which we but tend to the destruction of the Union, conscientiously and firmly believe the and the loss to all the States of the benefits salvation of this Union essentially de- that spring from it.' pends. It will not restrain us from seeking, by such peaceful and constitu "Now, we demand to know whether, in the assertion of the right to secede from the Union, South Carolina has rendered herself obnoxious to the charge of seeking to dissolve the Union? If so, how stands Virginia? Does she not maintain now, has she not always maintained, the right to secede under such circumstances? South Carolina has then The preamble further declares, that since that declaration was made, the assaults upon the institution of Slavery, and upon the rights and equality of the Southern States, have unceasingly continued, with increasing violence, and in new and more alarming forms.' Is this not true? What did South Carolina, by her resolutions, declare and propose Still deferring to her Southern sisters,' she respectfully announces' to them, that it is her deliberate judgment that the Slave-Holding States should immediately meet together, to concert measures for united action. Secondly, she requested all the Southern States to appoint deputies; and, lastly, she sent a Special Commissioner to Virginia, to express to the authorities the cordial sympathy of the people of South Carolina with the people of Virginia, and their earnest desire to unite with them in measures of common defence,' and to urge upon her the appointment of Commissioners to a Conference of the Slave Holding States.' "It will be observed, that the Report of the Majority concedes the necessity of 'decisive measures,' 'concurrent action,' and efficient co-operation' among the Southern States. The resolutions of South Carolina recognize the necessity for 'united action,' and the adoption of measures of common defence,' by the Southern States. In other words, they desire substantially the same thing, but propose different modes of obtaining it. What the one proposes to accomplish by the separate action of the several State Legislatures, without previous concert, the other proposes to accomplish by united action upon the part of all, ascertaining first, by means of a Conference, what measures are proper to be concerted for the common defence of all. The only advantage claimed by the Majority for their plan, over the one proposed by the resolutions of South Carolina is, that by it the common object may be more safely obtained. We affirm then, without the fear of successful contradiction, that no warrant is to be found in the preamble and resolutions of South Carolina for the charge, that the Conference is a Disunion measure. Let us for a moment, then, examine the proposition as explained by her Commissioner. In his address, he says: "But why waste our time in surmise, when realities are thrust openly before us? Can any one mistake the roaring of the storm at Washington? Has the column of the Republican Party there shown any sign of wavering? Was ever such a spectacle presented to this country before? There are plainly exhibited the dire effects of this array of sections-and there, in that conflict for the mastery, is foreshadowed that real conflict between the States, to which we are soon to be summoned. Will you undertake that conflict singly, or shall we act in concert? That is the great question which I am commissioned to ask. In 1847, and again in 1849, your judgment pronounced in favor of concerted action.' We have adopted your judgment-and we come now to propose the Conference. From the Federal Government, as it stands, we can expect nothing. From the Northern States we have been repelled with denunciations. Our only resource then, is in ourselves; and among ourselves union is strength. , The great and leading argument in favor of a Conference is, that it is the proper step in any contingency. It is a measure which will preserve the Union, if it can constitutionally be preserved; and if it cannot, it is the proper preparatory step for Southern defence. Those who desire the maintenance of the Union, must perceive, that nothing is more likely to drive back the aggressions of the North, and to restore to us our rights, than the exhibition of a united and determined purpose of resistance. And those who believe that the Union cannot be preserved, will easily perceive that a Southern Conference is a necessary step to effective Southern defence. This measure ought, therefore, to unite | ever action may be deemed necessary in all parties, excepting alone that (if there the present emergency, may be united be any such) which favors unconditional in by all the States? Ought there to submission.' Again he says: be two opinions as to the duty of Virginia? Ought she not to take her proper On the other hand, those who be- position in that consultation; and exerlieve in the efficacy of measures of re- cise her controlling influence in preservstriction and commercial independence, ing the integrity of the Union, and must perceive that such measures would securing the just and equal rights of the be far more effective if taken in concert. South? Suppose a meeting of the What benefit would result from non-im-Southern States shall take place without portation into Richmond and Norfolk, if Virginia? Will there not be more danEdenton and Newbern and Beaufort re- ger to the Union, than if she were ceived Northern goods as before? and present? what good effect would restrictions at Charleston serve, if Savannah should decline concurrence? The commercial independence of the South is certainly an object greatly to be desired. Is it possible to advance it more effectually, than by the concerted action of the whole South? I would be wanting in the frankness and candor due to this august assemblage, if I did not plainly declare the opinions which we entertain in South Carolina. We have no confidence in any paper guarantees-neither do we believe that any measures of restriction, or retaliation, within the present Union, will avail. But with equal frankness, we declare, that when we propose a Conference, we do so with the full understanding, that we are but one of the States in that Conference, entitled, like all the others, to express our opinions, but willing to respect and abide by the united judgment of the whole. If our pace be too fast for some, we are content to walk slower; our earnest wish is, that all may keep together. We cannot consent to stand still, but would gladly make common cause with all. We are far from expecting or desiring to dictate or lead.' 'Is the proposition then, as explained by the Commissioner, any thing more than a request for a consultation among the Southern States, in order that what5 We desire to present another consideration which, to our minds, should not be without its weight in leading us to a correct judgment upon this question. Great hope has been excited in some Southern minds, from recent demonstrations, which have taken place in the Northern States, and we are assured that the conservative element now at work there will do much towards restoring peace and harmony to the country. How can these conservative men operate with effect, when their opponents point to the failure of the proposition for the South to meet in consultation, and shall argue from that failure, either weakness, fear, or indifference. We believe that nothing will present so potent a barrier to the wave of Fanaticism which is surging over the North, as the exhibition of a firm, united, and determined purpose, upon the part of the South, to have equality in the Union, or independence out of it.' We must disabuse the mind of the North of the impression, which designing and dangerous partisans have created upon it, that the South is the embodiment of that charity which beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, endureth all things.'. We are not disposed to abandon the Union, nor to adopt such measures as must necessarily alienate still farther the North and South, and widen the breach which now so unhappily exists. between them, without another appeal to our Northern brethren, and another effort to bring back the Union to the condition of equality and fraternity, in which the framers left it. For this purpose we desire the Southern Conference to consider all questions of adjustment, and among others, the one submitted by our present able and patriotic Chief Magistrate, for a Convention of all the States of the Union. If the Union be worth saving, or can be saved, surely no effort on our part should be spared for that purpose. If it cannot be saved, at least let us have the consolation of knowing that its destruction has been accomplished with- | out our aid, and in despite of our most earnest and determined efforts to preserve it, through all time, as a monument of the wisdom and patriotism of the Heroes and Sages of the Revolution. 'But we are not without safe precedent in this matter. Our Revolutionary Sires have taught us, not only what is our right, but our duty, in this crisis of our affairs. The Colonies sent their delegates to the first Continental Congress, because they had each causes of complaint against the Mother Country, to which they acknowledged their allegiance to be due, and desired to make common cause with the others, in order to obtain a redress of their several grievances. Their object was, not to produce a separation from the Government of Great Britain, nor to secure their independence. In the declaration made by the second Continental Congress, setting forth the causes and necessity of their taking up arms, they say, we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. * * * * * * We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain, and establishing independent States.' These professions (says an able writer) of a desire for a reconciliation with the Mother Country, on terms consistent with their constitutional rights, which were so emphatically made at this time, both by the General Congress and the several Colonial Assemblies, were commonly regarded in England as nothing more than the trite, conventional language of diplomacy, and were treated as hypocritical and treacherous.' We have the united voice of American history, and the concurrent testimony of Washington, Jefferson, and Madison, that the cry of disunion raised at that day, against those who firmly demanded their constitutional rights from the parental government, and resolved to die freemen rather than live slaves,' was unfounded and unjust. The cry of disunion raised now against those who seek now, by means of the proposed Conference, to secure the constitutional rights of the South, and thus to save the Union, is not less unfounded and absurd." We have given this report almost entire, because we consider it an able and eloquent demonstration of the Conference Scheme," and its advantages. We cannot add anything to it, so we leave it, well assured that its arguments are irrefutable. Can any lover of the Union, or the South, refuse to respond to this call? Surely, they will not refuse to protect themselves and all near and dear to them. To save the Union, the South must be united. Divided it can do nothing. Union will give strength and dignity to its proceedings. Let us, then, join hands-act unitedly insist upon our rights, and maintain them at all risks-and be men and free men indeed. Let all the great political parties unite in this measure. It will involve no sacrifice of principles; it is a solemn duty that they owe to the South and to the Union. But it is argued, that there is a risk to run in meeting in Convention. The distinguished and talented Commissioner from South Carolina to the State of Virginia, |