of what is called a City Mission Society, the express object of which is to pay as large a number as possible of uneducated lay agents of any sect or denomination, and to send such persons forth to teach and preach in the heathen parts of the city! Doubtless, the case is as deplorable as a case can be, and cries out for remedy-nay, demands the sacrifice of all minor points, of all conventional arrangements, of everything but principle. But where principle is sacrificed, it would be worse than idle, it would be a mockery of God, to hope for a blessing. In the present case, not only are the most essential principles sacrificed, but the most extraordinary absurdities admitted. Ridicule is quite out of the question in treating of the efforts of wellintentioned men, and least of all in such a deplorable case can there be any disposition to it. But nothing but a strict sense of its impropriety could make one refrain from smiles at the extraordinary rules and schemes of operation of this society (exhibiting at every line a very natural distrust of its own agents), or at the speeches made by its friends. What can shew more distinctly the hopelessness of good from the society than the finding one of its chief supporters expressing preference of unlearned men for such a work? What can be expected from those who go on the principle—that the greater the difficulty, the weaker and worse should be the means used to overcome it? But his whole speech led to the same conviction. He very evidently cannot receive any other notion of the church of Christ, except that it is an established sect. When, towards the conclusion of his speech, he says, that some persons may think that the principles of this society are not in harmony with sound church principles-his answer to this objection is, that he is a friend to religious establishments, but, that the time for compulsory unity is gone for ever! When a gentleman who has been considering religious subjects for years does not even recognise the notion of Christ's church as a means of carrying forth the gospel, as the appointed channel in which the graces of God's Holy Spirit are to be conveyed, but treats of it as a religious establishment, protected by acts of parliament,-as an established party-it would seem hopeless to expect from him the adoption of those clearly consistent and reasonable views on which alone God's blessing can be implored and expected, and idle to expect any recognition of just principles in a society of his formation. It is not a casual expression which has escaped him, but the same thing goes through all he says. He illustrates his notion by saying, that he values this religious establishment, certainly, but not so much as the gospel-any more than he would think the casket of the same value as the jewel within. Here is the same fallacy. He imagines that persons value the church for itself, and as something separate from the gospel, and not because it is by the church that God delivers, from age to age, the jewel of the gospel to mankind. Of course, under these circumstances, the whole society goes on the regular amalgamation principle, and unites for one object persons who, on deliberation and in their consciences, if they have ever deliberated conscientiously, must believe that that great object is to be attained by opposite methods. It is strange enough, that while in America, after a long and full trial of the amalgamation scheme,

it has failed so utterly that it is given up on almost all sides, we are going on as if it was the only sensible and Christian plan of proceeding.

It may be well to notice here the publication of a thin quarto volume, called "Hints for the Building of Churches and Parsonagehouses," by the Rev. W. C. Wilson, Rector of Whittington, and printed at Kirby Lonsdale. It contains much useful information as to plans, expenses, and modes of proceeding, with a full account of the last act on the subject. It is painful to disagree with Mr. Wilson and other excellent persons as to that act, but it is quite certain that it is founded on principles totally destructive of the parochial system. It goes on this principle, in short,-that after the cure of souls has been solemnly committed to one man, another, not dependent on him, nor connected with him in any way, may be sent to occupy the same ground. The act does more than this, for it gives facilities to this interference by allowing a small joint-stock company, so to speak, to raise the money necessary when one man cannot or will not; and to become patrons of the benefice they have thus erected. Indeed, this is the very point in which the excellence of the act is made to consist. That the act takes the ready and direct mode to set the two clergymen thus placed in juxta-position on the most unfavourable terms for co-operation, no one who knows human nature can deny. That it does all that can be done to prevent the one who has cure of souls from discharging his trust in peace, no one can deny. And what is the excuse for not avoiding these evils, by assigning a district in each case, so that, where men are independent on each other, they may have distinct spheres of duty, and that he whose flock is taken from him may be relieved from the charge? Is the excuse this,-that he could not take care of all, and that many were left without a teacher? An excellent and most cogent reason, doubtless, for relieving him, and for cutting permanently off from him what he could not superintend, but no reason at all for leaving him in the full responsibility in which he was at first placed, and sending a person who, at his pleasure, may occupy the very ground and visit the very houses which are most within the lawful pastor's reach. Here, again, we commit the absurdity (is it not something more?) of setting up two opposite principles, and expecting God's blessing. We do evil, and expect good to come. It is impossible to doubt that this step must increase party differences in the church, and it may be feared that in some cases the act has been used for party ends-not to send teachers where there were none, so much as to send teachers where the old ones were not approved. This was the very evil which Laud made so gallant a struggle to remedy, seeing the evil intended and too often achieved by the party who were buying up impropriations, in order to further, not the gospel, but their own views of it. They who really seek the great end of supplying Christian instruction where the regular pastor cannot, from the extent of his charge, do his duty to it, will take care to have a district annexed to their endowment, and will thus save themselves

the pains of thinking that they have done much to perpetuate party strife, sow discord, and contravene the great principles which the church has laid down. Let this be done, let all party feelings on this point be laid aside, at least till all places are supplied with a minister and full means of profiting by the ordinances of God.

MANAGEMENT OF UNIVERSITIES.

WE often allow precedents for fearful evils to be raised without protest against them, when the cases in which they are established are distant or seem unimportant to us. It can only be from such feelings that greater attention was not excited by a Bill introduced last session by Mr. Bannerman, respecting King's and Marischal Colleges at Aberdeen, and to be, as he said, re-introduced in the next sessions. The principles involved in this Bill, and (if it pass, receiving parliamentary sanction) the spoliation, the interference of ignorant and presumptuous men with matters of which they cannot know anything, and, above all, the determination to make the House of Commons the executive, even in details, or, in other words, to bring every institution under the direct management as well as controul of Parliament, require careful consideration. They may come nearer and sooner home than we imagine.

The case has been ably stated by a friend, whose remarks follow:

THE policy which has lately guided the movements of this vast empire, while it claims for all classes of men the highest degree of freedom, is, in fact, silently withdrawing from all the power which they already possess, and vesting it in the executive body, centralized, compact, and entire. Society is most free when its members have obtained security with the smallest sacrifice of their independence. They again are least free whose land is overshadowed by one great Power; and this is the very idea of despotism, and, nevertheless, the very state towards which we are unconsciously tending.

This is the essence of our liberty;-that all unnecessary restraint and vexatious interference have been avoided, that no functions have been assigned to the crown which local bodies were competent to discharge, and that the nation has been as nearly as possible self-governed. But there are those who conceive, that the whole kingdom should throb with every pulsation of the central power; and that this power cannot be too great, provided it be held at the will of the popular section of the legislature. They are anxious, therefore, that the Supreme Power should act directly upon education,-partly, that it may be aggrandized, in the first instance, by the subjection of this wide province to its sway; and partly, that by education it may mould to its wishes the minds of the electors.

The adventurous and unwearied zeal with which the people of Scotland have improved their slender natural resources,—their self-denial too, and good conduct, qualities which do not mark their early history,—are owing, in great measure, to the sound instruction afforded by the universities. Their clergy

have studied in those seats of learning; teachers of parish schools, and of families, commonly obtain the same means of improvement; as do many of the country gentlemen, and all the lawyers and medical men, and others whose success in all countries, and in all situations, has made Scottish sagacity proverbial. The universities, then, being the chief source of knowledge, any infusion of new principles into them must affect, in the end, the habits and opi

nions of the whole community, while the administration of their patronage and endowments would form a very convenient accession to the prevailing influence. Accordingly, efforts were made during the last session of Parliament to subject the universities of Glasgow and Aberdeen to the feverish action of contemporary politics. As the bill relating to Aberdeen took precedence of the other in time, and also in audacity, it has a prior claim upon attention. Professedly founded upon a very inconsiderate report of the commissioners for visiting the Scottish universities (with which, however, it is wholly at variance), this measure emanated from Mr. Alexander Bannerman, a wine-merchant in Aberdeen, who was sent to the first reformed Parliament by the new constituency.

Towards the end of the fifteenth century, James IV., with the Pope's concurrence, erected the small and tranquil cathedral town of Old Aberdeen into an university. He also founded within it a place of learning, called from him King's College, which was amply endowed by William Elphinstone, the pious and enlightened bishop of the diocese. About a hundred years later, the Earl Marischal, seeing that the university was distant a mile from the important borough of Aberdeen, gave the buildings and revenues of the Grey Friars, which had come into his possession, to support a school of arts in the town; and this gift was confirmed by Act of Parliament, but the institution was never created an university, though it has by slow advances assumed that title. Both colleges have produced eminent men; and they have pursued a course of quiet usefulness, and entirely fulfilled the purposes of their respective foundations; as Marischal College affords instruction to the town, and, in some measure also, to the surrounding country, while the University and King's College is the chief place of resort from the northern counties. Its buildings are stately and religious, and the students, greatly outnumbering those of the other college, are required to attend divine service in the chapel,-a custom which does not prevail in the other Scottish places of education. Marischal college is ruinous, and is about to be rebuilt, with money obtained from the Treasury, aided by subscription.

Such being the position of the two bodies, Mr. Bannerman brought into the House of Commons a bill for uniting them,-the nature of which he had not deigned to communicate to either, at least, certainly not to King's College.

The following are the most important of the proposed enactments :Both institutions to be incorporated forthwith into one college and university.

Those departments of knowledge of which there is a professor in each college, Greek for instance, or mathematics, each to be assigned to a single professor in the united university. The salaries thus saved to be transferred to new professors of other branches of science. (It should be remembered that there are no tutors in the colleges of Scotland.)

The professors of theology to lecture in King's College-all the others in Marischal College.

The bill contains some blundering and impracticable devices for keeping the colleges separate for a time, that the double professors may be got rid of.

All property held by the colleges to be vested in a rectorial court, consisting of seven members; a rector and a dean (not to be members of the senate), chosen triennially, the former by the principal and professors, graduates, and students, the latter by the principal and professors; the principal-the provost of Aberdeen, or if he be rector or dean, the eldest bailie-and three members to be nominated from time to time by the crown.

The writer of an able letter, signed "Senex," thus remarks upon "the constitution of the tribunal under which the whole affairs of King's College are destined immediately to pass. Of the seven members, three are nominally appointed by the crown; practically, however, such nomination will be made by the member for the burgh of Aberdeen. It happens, that at present the

nominee of the said gentleman to the civic chair of Aberdeen is Dean of Faculty; the eldest bailie therefore possesses a seat in the rectorial court. Of the seven members, therefore, composing this illustrious court, the three nominated first by government continuing in power for above three years, no fewer than five are the creation of the member for this burgh, i. e. persons belonging to what the people here, who use the political slang of the day, call the Bannerman clique."

The rectorial court to have power to sell such part of the college buildings as may not be required for university purposes. (This description would include the whole of King's College, except a divinity lecture-room.)

The same court to have "the exclusive power to institute general rules for the government of the United University, to adopt and carry into effect from time to time regulations for the granting of degrees, for the curricula of study, for the mode of teaching, for the hours and extent of teaching, and for the extent of the sessions, or for otherwise modifying the internal system of the United University, as the rectorial court may deem expedient," (after consulting the senate.)

The same court to have power to censure a professor, or to suspend him for a year," on account of contumacy, of neglect, or violation of duty, or for immoral conduct;" and if a professor has been unable to lecture for four years, or has reached the age of sixty-five, the court to have power, with the assent of the chancellor, to supersede him, and assign a meagre pittance for his support. The principal is instructed how to deal with "a delinquent professor, or lecturer;" but is himself subject to the salutary control of the rectorial court, which may visit class-rooms at the hours of teaching, and exercise a supreme and irresponsible dominion over the whole university.

Professors to be chosen by public competition. "Every professor elect shall make and subscribe a declaration, that so long as he shall remain a professor in the United University, he will never directly or indirectly do or cause, or wilfully suffer to be done, anything to the subversion, or to the injury or prejudice of the established church of Scotland."

"By this clause," to adopt the remark of an able anonymous writer, "that article of the union of Scotland with England which requires that every person filling a university office shall have subscribed the Westminster confession of faith, in the presence of the presbytery of the bounds, is superseded." "Thus are the chairs of the United University thrown open to men of every or of no religious creed; and this in reliance of a declaration, the value of which, as lately exhibited in the operative effect of declarations of a similar kind, every one may readily appreciate."

The surplus bursary funds, that is, the excess of the money now paid to exhibitions over the small sums originally bequeathed for their support, to be at the disposal of the rectorial court, for the payment of monitors or underteachers, to be appointed at discretion by the court.

In other words, the ancient, loyal, and popular university and King's College was to be extinguished, the property of its members to be transferred to men who had no interest in managing these aright, and were to give no security for doing so; and its funds for the maintenance of poor scholars, which had been twice doubled by its dexterous and faithful stewardship, to be snatched from those for whose benefit they were expressly given, and to whose education they are essential, to swell the patronage of a body which, whatever might be the views of its projector, must soon have become an engine of political jobbing. It is not pretended that local circumstances are changed, or, that Old Aberdeen stood in a different relation to Aberdeen when Bishop Elphinstone erected his college. The objection to two colleges, being within a mile of each other, is ridiculous to any one who knows the constitution of Oxford and Cambridge. Mr. Bannerman must know that it is as ridiculous as an objection to two wine-shops being within the same space. The supposed