when he sees her wilfully co-operating with her to undermine the flattering hopes of twenty-six millions of devoted subjects; does not reason tell him, that mere birth and beauty are feeble advocates for treason and ambition? Although her collusion in the most barbarous projects of a vindictive and unfeeling mistress might be extenuated by the private man, it cannot by the public guardian and protector*. If Ministers, in the administration of necessary measures, were to listen to partial inconvenience, or private discontent, the vessel of state would soon be driven out of her course, and every misfortune follow that gathers from disorder; but let it not be inferred from this remark, that Kings and Courts are to exact unnecessary labour. Although they must foresee, (with their innumerable train of calamities) the unavoidable evils which will occur to the body-compact, should private considerations supersede public necessity, nevertheless, if the principle be perverted for themselves and friends at the expence of the lowest subject, the The fate of this beloved but unfortunate Princess, (who, in spite of her known charities and general sweetness of disposition, fell a victim to her attachment to the Queen) ought to be a serious warning to those females that dare to interfere or meddle with the government of à country. When she was upon the eve of her departure for France, she visited the late Duchess of Cumberland at Margate. The latter strongly urged her not to leave England. Her reply was-"I know my danger; but I love my Royal Mistress too much to abandon her in her misfortunes!" This happened in the Summer of 1792. accumulated viction of certain wrongs and probable treachery*. The amiableness of virtue and humanity is frequently better shewn through the deformity of vice and barbarity, than by the most beautiful display of all their attributes; and a good government derives its stability as much from the exhibited fluctuations of a bad one, as it can by the most unbounded commendation on its own advantages. "The rock on which imprudence splits should be the mark by which experience steers towards security. From motives of general philanthropy, I have perhaps been partially severe; but as opinion, authorized by facts, can seldom be erroneous, severity, although disgusting, should never be misconstrued. Of the late unfortunate victim to ambitious intrigues, I can only say, that I lament his fate, because his crimes, (if crimes there were) could never be his own. When the tumults of national convulsion shall have gradually subsided, justice, (which, however long protracted, always strikes at last), will, in the vengeance of awakened honour and humanity, rescue his memory from all its present load of credited abuse. Sublatam virtutem quærimus invidi! will be the cry of the people, whilst truth, unmasked and * Let it never be erased from the minds of Englishmen, that all mobs are alike. If the excesses of Windsor or Carleton House were ever to equal those of Versailles, &c. and a successful insurrection were to grow out of the art and ingenuity of any daring faction, murder, plunder, and desolation, must ensue. undisguised undisguised, shall point to the pusillanimous instigator, and exclaim-Hic niger est-hunc tu, Romane, caveto. Posterity alone will see those mystical spells unravelled, which at this moment deceive and puzzle all conjecture-But whether the unfortunate Louis were guilty, from personal design, or misled by others, is a question too intricate to solve. The curtain of a reigning and detested faction is as yet too firmly held, for truth and justice to lift it up; and however strongly circumstances may confirm belief, rigorous history, gathering facts from time, can only prove them by degrees." VOL. III. R THE viction of certain wrongs and probable treachery*. The amiableness of virtue and humanity is frequently better shewn through the deformity of vice and barbarity, than by the most beautiful display of all their attributes; and a good government derives its stability as much from the exhibited fluctuations of a bad one, as it can by the most unbounded commendation on its own advantages. "The rock on which imprudence splits should be the mark by which experience steers towards security. From motives of general philanthropy, I have perhaps been partially severe; but as opinion, authorized by facts, can seldom be erroneous, severity, although disgusting, should never be misconstrued. Of the late unfortunate victim to ambitious intrigues, I can only say, that I lament his fate, because his crimes, (if crimes there were) could never be his own. When the tumults of national convulsion shall have gradually subsided, justice, (which, however long protracted, always strikes at last), will, in the vengeance of awakened honour and humanity, rescue his memory from all its present load of credited abuse. Sublatam virtutem quærimus invidi! will be the cry of the people, whilst truth, unmasked and * Let it never be erased from the minds of Englishmen, that all mobs are alike. If the excesses of Windsor or Carleton House were ever to equal those of Versailles, &c. and a successful insurrection were to grow out of the art and ingenuity of any daring faction, murder, plunder, and desolation, must ensue. undisguised undisguised, shall point to the pusillanimous instigator, and exclaim-Hic niger est-hunc tu, Romane, caveto. Posterity alone will see those mystical spells unravelled, which at this moment deceive and puzzle all conjecture-But whether the unfortunate Louis were guilty, from personal design, or misled by others, is a question too intricate to solve. The curtain of a reigning and detested faction is as yet too firmly held, for truth and justice to lift it up; and however strongly circumstances may confirm belief, rigorous history, gathering facts from time, can only prove them by degrees." VOL. III. R TIE |