impaired at home or abroad because of religious belief; that this Government concludes its treaties for the equal protection of all classes of its citizens, without regard to religious belief; that this Government will not negotiate nor be a party to any treaty which discriminates, or which by one of the parties thereto is construed to discriminate, between American citizens on the ground of religious belief etc."

* * *

Perhaps the attitude upon this question by our own Government, which from its beginning as a Republic has been recognized as the home of the free and as a haven for the oppressed of all nations, could not be better or more completely expressed than in these few condensed words which constitute the prelude of an indictment against the Government of Russia for its violation of the treaty now existing between that Government and our own, concluded at St. Petersburg more than three quarters of a century ago. With the sentiments contained in that resolution I am heartily in accord and pledge my vote and influence in its support.

If, however, this homeopathic remedy proves insufficient to bring about the relief so earnestly sought, as I believe, by a vast majority of the people, then I am in favor of resorting to a surgical operation in effect proposed by a resolution introduced in the United States Senate on the 10th of last April by Senator Culberson, which reads as follows:

"Resolved, That it is the sense of the Senate that the treaty of 1832 between the United States and Russia should be abrogated because of the discrimination by Russia between American citizens in the administration of the treaty."

That these resolutions are bound to occupy a conspicuous part in the deliberations of the present session of Congress, there can be no doubt. That the sentiment of the country throughout its length and breadth is overwhelmingly in favor of their adoption, if necessary to obtain the end sought, I have no question. Indeed, while this grave international dispute may be said to have now reached an acute stage, yet it is by no means a new one either as it concerns discussions in Congress, led by such earnest advocates as Goldfogle and Sulzer, of your city, or as considered in the State Department from the time of Frelinghuysen down through the list of the successive distinguished Secretaries to the present time. The present agitation which will not down is the expected and legitimate result of the long continued delay on the part of the Russian Government in acceding to the reasonable requests for a faithful observance of the expressed terms of the treaty.

So much has been said by political speakers, so much has been written in the magazines and the press of the country upon this grave international question, that it would indeed be a most ambitious aim on the part of any speaker to be able to do better than clothe old arguments and old thought in new words.

Not in many years has our Government had such an opportunity to assertyes; and protect, if necessary—the inviolability of American citizenship, no matter in what country those right are threatened, as it now has in its dealings with the Russian Government. Not since the beginning of our national existence will the refusal of this Government to insist upon the full observance of those rights be considered so lacking in courage and so pusillanimous in its conduct.

Appreciating, as I believe we all do, the delicacy of the position in which our Government might be placed in revoking treaties with a foreign power heretofore considered friendly, that kind of wise diplomacy consistent always with national honor should, of course, be first used, and it is hoped will be, in maintaining our integrity as a nation, not only as it concerns its obligation to the rights of its citizens, but also in a broader sense, its international standing, if you please, among the nations of the earth.

The results of such a diplomacy futile, its obligation to its citizens and the very sense of justice itself demand an abrogation of the existing treaty with Russia.

No matter how interesting or how conspicuous a place in the political and religious affairs of European countries the feeling of anti-Semitism has occupied in the past, that question, though it may present some embarrassing features in the present instance, happily has never been one to be unfavorably considered in any aspect in this country. Neither should it afford any reason to our Government why it should not compel a full, unrestricted, and undiscriminative observance on the part of the foreign powers to recognize passports granted to its citizens by our Government. Though the persecution of the Jews during the last quarter of the century just closed forms one of the blackest pages in the history of those countries guilty of such atrocities and however much they

may be condemned by the people of this country, yet no one contends that the United States should interfere with the internal policy or domestic affairs of any foreign Government. When, however, the objects of the hatred of such persecutors come to our shores and invest themselves with the full rights of American citizenship they must then-until from choice they divest themselves of such rights-receive exactly the same degree of protection, no matter in what country they happen to sojourn, as is accorded to any other citizen of this country.

Though it is not my purpose in this opportunity given me of expressing my views upon the subject under discussion, to enter into a eulogy upon Jewish citizenship in America, yet, recognizing the achievements, the patriotism and commendable domestic character of that race in our land, it is incredible to me how a civilized nation could deny to such people the fullest measure of political rights and freedom. How many pages descriptive of the industrial and financial development of our great American cities would have to be filled with the part played in such work by its Jewish people if a faithful narrative of their achievements were recorded. What part in the helpful and effective work of our charitable organizations, our civic improvements, and our commercial advancement has this class of our citizens played in the past.

Indeed the work of this class of men in such fields of enterprise as journalism, banking, and humanitarianism may well furnish an inspiration for the American youth of whatever creed or nationality.

From time to time suggestions have been thrown out-I trust wholly without cause-that there may be business reasons why insistence upon the carrying out of this treaty should not be made. While I am ready and willing to acknowledge that we as a Nation must continue more and more to expand industrially and commercially beyond the limits of home consumption if we are to enjoy that degree of prosperity to which our prominence entitles us, yet such expansion of trade must ever be at the price of our national honor or at the sacrifice of the guaranteed rights of the humblest citizen rightly claiming protection of our flag.

Dollar diplomacy, without it is sustained in honor, will fail even from a materialistic standpoint, as no nation or individual can hope to profit or should be allowed to do so at such a price.

ADDRESS OF CONGRESSMAN FRANCIS BURTON HARRISON, OF NEW YORK.

Nearly eight years ago I made my first speech in the House of Representatives, and it was on the subject of the abuse by Russia of our passport. During all these intervening years I have been active in the endeavor to redress this international wrong and now it seems that the efforts of those of us who have labored in this cause are about to be crowned with success.

For over a generation we have been the tools of Russian diplomacy. We have in vain intrusted the assertion of our national honor to diplomatic channels. The time has come for a more vigorous move. The best weapon ready to our hand is the abrogation of the treaty, from which the shameful practice is alleged to spring. To all of our diplomatic representations on the passport question Russia has replied that she is merely living up to her side of the treaty. Let us do away with the treaty and deprive her of that excuse. The matter will then rest upon the broad rights of American citizenship. Let Russia admit us all or reject us all, and in the final analysis let us give her to understand that of all discriminations which she might practice between American citizens, religious discrimination is to us the most objectionable.

But the timid say that if we abrogate our treaty with Russia, American commerce will suffer. This I entirely deny. In my opinion, commerce will go on between the two countries in substantially the same way as it does now, unless indeed Russia should put herself further in the wrong by undertaking aggressive reprisals. Commerce is not dependent upon treaties but upon the business requirements of the people of the two countries and will continue to flow in its accustomed channels, treaty or no treaty. But I value human rights higher than the profits of commerce. I place the dignity of our country on a higher plane than the ledgers of our merchants, and come what may, I most strongly favor the utter annihilation of the document, under cover of which a nation ostensibly favorable to us can practice on American citizens the most odious of discriminations.

REMARKS OF HONORABLE WILLIAM S. BENNET, OF NEW YORK.

Men are more important than property and principle more than either. The fight to abrogate the Russian treaty is a fight for principles. We will not permit any portion of our people to be discriminated against because of religious belief. It is an American, not a Jewish question. It is a national, not a commercial question. No nation can long survive which subordinates principle to either life or property. It is not at all essential that we should make money. It is not even greatly important that any one of us should live a particular term of years, but it is essential that this Nation should survive. It can not survive without principle. It can not survive unless an injury to one is the concern of all.

ADDRESS OF CONGRESSMAN WILLIAM M. CALDER, OF NEW YORK.

Mr. Chairman, ladies, and gentlemen, I know of nothing that I can add to what has already been said. But there is one point that I have in mind that has not been touched upon here this evening, and I will speak on that just for a moment, and then end. I have heard it discussed in the newspapers that we take upon ourselves the right, by treaty it is true, to prevent coming to this country Chinese and Japanese; and that therefore we ought to accord to Russia the same right to any particular citizenship of our country. I answer that by saying that we accord to the Japanese and the Chinese merchant and student, men of science and art, the right to come and go in this country just as they please, if he presents to this country the facts that he has come here for that purpose. And I am also aware of the fact that while this Government of ours issues its passports to every citizen, when they come to be looked over by the Russian consul, that Russian consul does not ask of the men with the passports, "What is your race, or whence do you come, or where were your people born?" but, "What is your religion?" This country of ours, founded by Almighty God, was established from the beginning that we people should serve God as we feel disposed, and for all time that that privilege should be created. With my other colleagues from New York, Messrs. Sulzer, Harrison, and Goldfogle, I introduced upon the opening of this Congress a resolution abrogating this treaty with Russia. I shall appear before Mr. Sulzer's committee next week and ask that that committee report a resolution of this character, and I can assure you, with the rest of these gentlemen, that the House of Representatives will pass a general resolution abrogating that treaty. Now, like all the rest of my distinguished associates here, I had a speech in my pocket, and one in my heart as well, that perhaps would have occupied your time and ours for some length; but we have a rule in the House of Representatives, an arrangement that when the day is getting late and the Members are tired and weary and want to go home that a fellow sometimes gets up in his place and gets the eye of the Speaker, and asks the unanimous consent that his speech may be printed in the Record; and so I will say that while I have not my speech written out, perhaps some time I will finish it and put it in the Record. I thank you.

ADDRESS OF CONGRESSMAN HENRY M. GOLDFOGLE, OF NEW YORK.

This large and inspiring assemblage, gathered in the patriotic cause of national justice and righteousness, evidences that the consciousness of the American people is fully aroused on this most important passport proposition.

It is a deeply deplorable fact that despite the grandeur, the power, and the glory of our beloved country, Russia has persistently discredited our passports when presented at the Russian gate by law-abiding American citizens, on the ground of the religious faith of the holder.

The treaty concluded between the United States and Russia in 1832 by its terms guarantees the right of our citizens to unmolested travel and sojourn in Russia as fully and completely as we afford unmolested travel and sojourn to a Russian subject in our territory; and yet in the face of that solemn compact Russia makes discrimination between our citizens, she turns that passport aside with scorn, treats it with contempt, humiliates our citizens, and by that act insults the American Nation.

It has been the teaching of our country since the creation of the Republic, and it has been our proud boast that all our citizens are equal before the law and are entitled to the equal protection of the American flag, whether abroad or at home.

In the face of this, America has tolerated entirely too long Russia's defiant and insulting conduct. For years we have, through diplomatic channels, made representations to the Russian Government and sent to her our earnest remon strances against her treatment of our citizens holding American passports.

Congress has within the last 12 years thrice passed resolutions, each one of which I had the honor to introduce, for the purpose of securing the abrogation of Russia's unjust, intolerant, and bigoted restriction.

The last two of these resolutions one of 1904 and the other of 1909-called upon the President to take steps to secure from Russia the removal of these restrictions or to secure new and definite treaty stipulations, under which no question could arise as to Russia's duty to recognize our citizens equally and ¦ alike.

Perhaps the strongest demand that was made upon Russia since the question was agitated was found in the communication of the American ambassador at St. Petersburg, which conveyed the full text of the resolution of 1904 to the Government of the Czar. In it, among other things, the ambassador said: "The resolution voices not only the feelings of the American people, but also a principle that lies at the foundation of our Government. It is for this reason that the question has been, is, and always will be a live question with us, and liable to become acute and be brought forward at some time in such a way as to seriously disturb the friendly relations which have always existed between Russia and the United States."

Mark you, this we said to the Russian Government a little over seven years ago; and though since we have again and again repeated our demand, Russia has bid us defiance, and to this day she has remained obstinate in her course. It is, indeed, awful to contemplate that Russia, despite her protestations of friendship for our country, and her repeated and as often broken promises, made in years long past, to extend better treatment, wickedly continues in her outrageous course of discrimination against a people she proscribes, and turns her back contemptuously on the American passport they present at her doors for no other reason than they are loyal to the faith of their fathers, true to their conscience, faithful to their God.

Sir, were we considering to-night Russia's conduct toward the people who are proscribed within her own country, what a painful story of tragic hate, of bitter malice, of base persecution, and harsh tyranny could we unfold. Unoffending men, women, and children have been the object of her fanaticism and the victims of her despotism. Oppressive laws and proscriptive edicts have been directed against them which made them the victims of Russian hate and rapacity. Merciless cruelty and unspeakable barbarity have too often been the sad lot of these unhappy people. Against the outrages to which they were subjected-atrocities which shocked the sensibilities of all humanity; which stain the pages of Russia's history and shame the civilization of the age-we, in the past uttered our protest. But we are not dealing with that phase of Russia's treatment to-night. With her internal treatment of her own subjects within her own domain we can not interfere. But the question which vitally concerns us now is, What shall America, in its line of duty to its own citizens, native and naturalized and of every creed, do to secure for them uniformity of treatment under treaty rights, and to maintain inviolate the integrity of the American passport?

Let no man here or abroad misunderstand the principle upon which we have made our demand, and which now calls for decided action-it is the principle of Americanism, to be fought out on no narrow lines, but upon broad, liberal, American lines that appeal to every American mind and touch every American heart.

If it be asked in virtue of what right the class of citizens mainly discriminated against look to this country for action tending to prevent the continuance of the discrimination that Russia makes, I would, instead of using my words, borrow the words of the late William M. Evarts, who, when Secretary of State, instructing our then minister at St. Petersburg, said: “In the presentation of the facts you should be careful to impress that we ask treaty treatment for our aggrieved citizens, not because they are Jews, but because they are Americans." It is pleasing that this question has always been regarded as it always should be as a purely American question. Besides the large body of Jews at which the restrictions are mainly aimed, there are other faiths against which Russia, in her bigoted course, draws the line of demarcation.

It matters little, however, against how many of one class, or how many of another class of American citizens Russia may level her restrictions as to entry

within her borders-it is America's duty to protect, in the broadest way, all her citizens alike, allowing discrimination against none-protecting all by every legitimate means at her command.

When the foreigner comes to our shore to travel or sojourn or seek a home, we ask not what his faith or what his professed religious creed may be. We afford him the hospitable shelter of our lands, and this we do, not as a matter of mere favor, but in virtue of the cardinal principles of our Government, thundered out to the world by a Washington, a Jefferson, an Adams, and a Patrick Henry, and the others of the patriot band of our revolution who, in early life of our Republic proclaimed America's creed as it is written in ancient lore: "Libe ty throughout the land and unto all the inhabitants thereof.'

In the exercise of the highest ideal of America-civil and religious liberty— our country has flourished and prospered as none other since the creation of the world. Through its means we have cemented the ties of our coininon citizenship, given hope and cheer to every man within our borders, and instilled the noblest ambitions and highest aspirations; banished class distinction, dispelled base prejudice, and secured thet emancipation of the slave. Civil and religious liberty, consecrated by the suffering and martyrdom of our Revolutionary fathers, jealously guarded through every epoch of our Nation's history and our Nation's trials, has been the potent factor to upbuild and uplift humanity, and to make this country the enlightened and progressive and prosperous Nation it is to-day.

If Russia-bigoted, autocratic, intolerant Russia-were to go but half the distance that America has gone in the conferring of civil and religious liberty, she would find that instead of incurring the displeasure and the criticisms that have been so often justly expressed against her, she would rather win some measure of favorable opinion of mankind.

When I first entered Congress, I took up this passport fight as an American sitting as a Representative in the National Legislature. I deemed it my duty, unceasingly and unflinchingly, to wage the fight, and I trust yet to see, God helping our efforts, and sustained and cheered by the sentiment of the American people everywhere, a successful outcome of the issue and the vindication of our citizenship through the uniform recognition of the passport by Russia, regardless of the religion of the man who bears it. On the very opening day of the present Sixty-second Congress my colleague, Mr. Harrison, and I together introduced a resolution to abrogate the treaty. Mr. Sulzer also introduced a similar resolution. So did Mr. Calder and some others of my colleagues, all of whose valuable aid we fortunately have.

Standing as an American loyally devoted to my country and her flag, recognizing no division or distinction between our citizens who happen to differ in creed, I insist upon the maintenance of those rights that make for the equality guaranteed to all Americans by the Constitution of the Republic and the broad, the liberal, and the tolerant policy of this God-blessed land.

The time for action is at hand. We must proceed unfalteringly and with steady hand. The spirit of the American people everywhere upon this great question is aroused. We can no longer permit Russia to treat us with contempt or turn away our citizens after submitting them to the humiliation of an Inquisition into their religious belief. The twelfth article of the treaty of 1832 provides that either Government may give notice to the other of 12 months of its election to terminate the treaty.

Well, then, let us give that notice. Let us tell Russia that from this very hour she must cease her insulting treatment of our citizens. She must honor the passport which bears the seal of the United States. She must not discriminate between our citizens because their religion happens to be opposed to her ideas. With craft and cunning and false promises she has evaded entirely too long the issue, and America, to maintain the integrity of her citizenship and preserve her national self-respect, must now demand that Russia live up squarely to her solemn compact or we must denounce the treaty for her persistent violation of it.

Abrogation of the treaty is the proper remedy now proposed. I urged it and advocated it in 1909. I incorporated a clause for the abrogation of the treaty in the original resolution of 1909, and it is with delight that I note that my views on the subject of abrogation are now vindicated and sustained by my fellow countrymen.

American honor demands the decided action which you have met here to ask. Your protest, joined with the protests coming from every section of the Republic, will create that powerful, overwhelming sentiment which will move