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and happy discrimination essential to comparative criticism. It is in his letters to his friends in England, on political subjects, that we must trace the more gouine picture of his mind. These contain greater rariety of thought and strength of feeling, and certainly more striking indications of a mascu. line understanding, than can be found in any other parts of this various, diligent, but much too highlyrated man's writings That Jones went out to India strongly tinctured with republican opinions, is no longer questionable. Lord Teignmouth, howerer, seems influenced by an amiable disinclination to attribute them to Sir William Jones. Yet Paley said of him, " he was a great republican when I knew him; the principles, which he then avowed so decidedly, he certainly never afterwards dis claimed." This is corroborated in one of his latest letters, in which he remarks, with some emphasis

, that the political opinions he had imbibed in early life he still beld, and should never relinquish

. These opinions he re-asserted three years only be fore his death, in a letter to Dr. Price, dated “ Krishnagur, September 14, 1790," thanking him for a copy of his celebrated sermon. In this letter, Sir William Jones exclaims: “ When I think of the late glorious revolution in France, I cannot

nas vrih Tuly once applied to Gaul : “ Ex
mades terria Britannia sola communi non ardet
edia

" It is singular that Lord Teignmouth
më kave espanged this passage from the letter
ale Price; a writer in the Asiatic Journal

pullie attention to the omission. If inten-
til the comission was unfair and disingenuous ;
2. Paket remarked, “ the sentiments of such a
12 a Sir William Jones ought neither to be ex-
ved nor withheld.” On the other hand, it may
k pereired, from other letters of Jones, that he
18 2 friend to our mixed constitution, as esta-

isted at the revolution;—a sentiment decidedly
Cele to unqualified republicanism.

We believe that the truth, as it generally does,
se in the mean. Sir William Jones went out to
bia rith decided notions as to the duty and right
i raitance

, as established by the revolution of 16. His celebrated dialogue asserts the right

al the correlative duty of resistance, but limited by the principles avowed by Lord Somers and the peat leaders of that event; and it was upon these Founds successfully defended by Lord Erskine, on the trial of the Dean of St. Asaph. Of the French povolution, in its commencement, Lord Teignmouth sedimits , that he entertained a favourable opinion ;

See vol, iv. p. 203.

help applying to my poor infatuated country the

words which Tully once applied to Gaul : “ Ex omnibus terris Britannia sola communi non ardet incendio.” It is singular that Lord Teignmouth should have expunged this passage from the letter to Dr. Price; a writer in the Asiatic Journal called public attention to the omission.* If intentional, the omission was unfair and disingenuous; for, as Paley remarked, “ the sentiments of such a man as Sir William Jones ought neither to be extenuated nor withheld.” On the other hand, it may be perceived, from other letters of Jones, that he was a friend to our mixed constitution, as established at the revolution;-a sentiment decidedly adverse to unqualified republicanism.

We believe that the truth, as it generally does, lies in the mean. Sir William Jones went out to India with decided notions as to the duty and right of resistance, as established by the revolution of 1688. His celebrated dialogue asserts the right and the correlative duty of resistance, but limited by the principles avowed by Lord Somers and the great leaders of that event; and it was upon these grounds successfully defended by Lord Erskine, on the trial of the Dean of St. Asaph. Of the French revolution, in its commencement, Lord Teignmouth admits, that he entertained a favourable opinion;

• See vol, iv. p. 203.

and we can add of our own knowledge, if Dr. Parr is a faithful interpreter of his friend's habitual modes of thinking, that he wholly disapproved of the coalition-war against France, on the ground of policy as well as of justice, uniformly adhering, though with the modifications suggested and sanctioned by successive events, to those grand swelling sentiments of liberty, which animated his early years, and the attachment to those master-principles in the civil governments and policies of mankind, which study and contemplation had fixed in his mind.

On the 4th April 1807, Lord Teignmouth was appointed a Commissioner for the Affairs of India, and was sworn one of the Privy Council a few days afterwards. His activity and zeal in the formation of the Bible Society, in 1804, are prominent features of his life, and strong indications of his sincere convictions and warmth of piety as a Christian believer. He had the honour of being fixed upon as the fittest person to preside over that well-meaning, though, in many particulars, mistaken institution; the high names of Porteus, Fisher, Burgess, Gambier, Charles Grant, and Wilberforce being associated with his own. Lord Teignmouth presided over the society in a catholic and amiable spirit of good-will and benevolence towards all sects and

communities of Christianity. He conducted it through many difficulties and controversies, some of which were unusually stormy and contentious.

We must not forget to observe, that Lord Teignmouth was earnestly bent on converting the natives of India to Christianity, and in 1811 he published a tract on that subject, entitled “ Considerations on communicating to the Inhabitants of India the knowledge of Christianity.” His recorded opinions concerning the moral character of the Hindus approached the lowest possible estimate that has yet been framed of it. It is probable, therefore, that his earnestness in that important though difficult aim, was strengthened by the notions he had imbibed of the Hindu character. They are recorded in a paper he presented to the Governor-general in 1794, and printed in the minutes of evidence on the trial of Mr. Hastings. One of the data assumed, somewhat too undistinguishingly, is this: “ Cunning and artifice is wisdom with them; to deceive and over-reach, is to acquire the character of a wise man.” Mr. Mill relies on this testimony with the most implicit acquiescence ; and in the debate on the missionary clause, in 1813, it was the basis of the reasonings of Mr. Wilberforce and Mr. Charles Grant. Lord Teignmouth's estimate, however, of the Hindu character, in which he emphatically declared that the utmost ethical excellence of their moral system consisted in the greatest dexterity of mutual fraud and circumvention, must be taken with considerable restrictions; for he himself most candidly admits that it was framed exclusively from considerations of the moral condition of the Bengal provinces. Yet how strikingly does it stand contrasted with the beautiful attestation of Mr. Hastings in the House of Commons, on the 14th July 1813, and the still more emphatic declarations of Colonel Munro on the same occasion! There is no doubt, therefore, allowing the utmost possible weight to the opinions of so correct an observer as Lord Teignmouth, that his religious opinions, which were uniformly of the high evangelical class, must have had, unconsciously perhaps, no slight influence in convincing him of the depraved condition of the people to whom he was so benevolently solicitous to impart the blessings of Christianity.

Lord Teignmouth died at the advanced age of eighty-two, 14th February 1834: his widow did not long survive him. He lived surrounded by every thing that ministers comfort to life, the attachment of a large circle of friends, and the affections of an amiable family; and his death was rendered cheerful and easy by the consolations of religion. Few

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