our power too far over the great agents of nature; but, on the contrary, I consider such enlargement of our power as tending more certainly and powerfully to better the condition of our race than any one of the many powerful causes now operating to that result. With these impressions, I not only rejoice at the general progress of the arts in the world, but in their advancement in our own country; and as far as protection may be incidentally afforded, in the fair and honest exercise of our constitutional powers, I think now, as I have always thought, that sound policy, connected with the security, independence, and peace of the country, requires it should be done, but that we cannot go a single step beyond without jeopardizing our peace, our harmony, and our liberty-considerations of infinitely more importance to us than any measure of mere policy can possibly be.

In thus placing my opinions before the public, I have not been actuated by the expectation of changing the public sentiment. Such a motive, on a question so long agitated, and so beset with feelings of prejudice and interest, would argue, on my part, an insufferable vanity, and a profound ignorance of the human heart. To avoid as far as possible the imputation of either, I have confined my statement, on the many and important points on which I have been compelled to touch, to a simple declaration of my opinion, without advancing any other reasons to sustain them than what appeared to me to be indispensable to the full understanding of my views; and if they should, on any point, be thought to be not clearly and explicitly developed, it will, I trust, be attributed to my solicitude to avoid the imputations to which I have alluded, and not to any desire to disguise my sentiments, nor to the want of arguments and illustrations to maintain positions which so abound in both, that it would require a volume to do them anything like justice. I can only hope that truths which, I feel assured, are essentially connected with all that we ought to hold most dear, may not be weakened in the public.estimation by the imperfect manner in which I have been, by the object in view, compelled to present them.

With every caution on my part, I dare not hope, in taking the step I have, to escape the imputation of improper motives; though I have, without reserve, freely expressed my opinions, not regarding whether they might or might not be popular. I have no reason to believe that they are such as will conciliate public favor, but the opposite, which I greatly regret, as I have ever placed a high estimate on the good opinion of my fellow-citizens. But, be that as it may, I shall, at least,

be sustained by feelings of conscious rectitude. I have formed my opinions after the most careful and deliberate examination, with all the aids which my reason and experience could furnish; I have expressed them honestly and fearlessly, regardless of their effects personally, which, however interesting to me individually, are of too little importance to be taken into the estimate, where the liberty and happiness of our country are so vitally involved..

CHAPTER VIII.

Nullification-The Protective System introduced-Act of 1828-Opposition in the Southern States-State Interposition proposed-Mr. Calhoun's Views-Election of General Jackson-Distribution and Protection combined-Dissolution of the Cabinet-Difficulty between Mr. Calhoun and General Jackson-Letter to Governor HamiltonConvention in South Carolina-Mr. Calhoun elected a Senator in Congress.

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We now approach the most important and eventful period in the life and history of Mr. Calhoun—the period of Nullification in which the great battle between State-rights and the Consolidation doctrines of the federal party was fought on the floor of Congress. Of the former he was the especial champion. He stood forth as the prominent advocate of the cherished principles of the old republican creed; and although, in the opinion of many, perhaps the most of his former party associates, he went beyond what they supposed the design and intention of those by whom that creed was originally formed and adopted, he defended his position with a zeal that knew no abatement, and with a resoluteness of purpose that left no room to doubt his sincerity.

In the midst of calumny and detraction he was always calm and self-possessed. Though the particular object of misrepresentation, he only claimed a hearing for his opinions, and if that were denied, he left it to time-that true touchstone of merit in men and in things-to test

their correctness and their importance. Torrents of obloquy and abuse were poured upon him without stint or favor; yet, like Galileo exclaiming in the midst of his persecutors, indignant at his renunciation of the Copernican system, " E pur si muove !"*-so he maintained, in and through all, that the truth and the right were on his side.

The Nullification controversy, as it has been termed, grew out of the system of high protective duties long contended for by the manufacturing interest and the friends of the American system, and finally established by the act of 1828. By the act of 1816, a reduction of five per cent. on woollen and cotton goods was made in 1819; and the protectionists forthwith commenced their efforts to procure a modification of the law more favorable to their interests. Their exertions were continued from year to year, till they were ultimately crowned with success, through the efforts, in great part, of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay. The act of 1816 went beyond the true revenue limit, but so long as the policy was merely to foster and build up domestic manufactures, and while the public debt remained unpaid, Mr. Calhoun, and others who entertained similar views, were content not to insist upon a reduction of the duties to the revenue standard. The debt must be provided for, and this, it was probable, would absorb the surplus of revenue for a long time to come.

In 1824, the protectionists procured the passage of the act of that year increasing the profits of certain branches of manufactures already established, and offering great inducements for the establishment of others.

*"And yet, it moves !"

Three years later-at the session of 1826-7-" the woollens' bill," designed almost exclusively for the benefit of the manufacturers, was brought before Congress. Public attention was now fully aroused to the proceedings of the manufacturers, and various interests appeared in the field, each contending for a share of the benefits to be derived from a high protective tariff. The doctrine of temporary protection, partially forgotten in 1824, was now to be entirely abandoned, and favoritism substituted for encouragement. The manufacturers of the Eastern states, the iron manufacturers in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and the producers of wool and hemp in the Northern and Western states generally, were all earnestly enlisted in favor of a high tariff, but their interests were so often found to be conflicting, that harmony of action could not be secured.

Political considerations at length entered into the controversy. The growing popularity of General Jackson filled the friends of Mr. Adams with alarm, and when it was seen how many powerful interests at the north were arrayed in favor of a high tariff, an effort was made to secure their support in the approaching canvass, for without their assistance it was certain that the administration would not be sustained. A convention of the advocates of a protective tariff was therefore called and held at Harrisburg, in July, 1827, at which, a system of high duties was fixed upon, which was satisfactory to all the manufacturing interests, but not acceptable to the agricultural friends of protection. The supporters of Mr. Adams now counted with great confidence on the election of their candidate, for, said they, "if the friends of General Jackson in the tariff states