SENATE.

Additional Military Force.

DECEMBER, 1811.

three pence per pound on tea, when in our colonial gentlemen who express so much concern for the state. It is now a question whether Great Brit- Treasury Department, tell us that the gentleman ain shall regulate by force the whole of our com- at the head of that Department possesses the merce, in contempt and violation of the laws of most splendid financial talents, &c. Mr. G. said, nations, when we affect to be in an independent he hoped he did; and he was not disposed to destate. If, sir, our fathers had condescended to tract aught from this impression; but he could calculate the costs of a tax of three pence on a not help remarking that he should feel more conpound of tea, compared with the costs of the war fidence in that gentleman's financial reputation, for achieving our independence, as some of their if it were founded more on facts, and less on rusons are now doing with respect to the value of mor and anticipation. The honorable Secretary's our commerce submitted to the regulation of financial reputation was made to his hands by Great Britain, we should not now have it in our others. He had little or no share in it. He has power to degrade their memories, by the profli- annually given us the most lucid views of the gate abandonment of the independence achieved amount and manner of revenue received at the for us by the profusion of their blood and treasure. Treasury, which was provided by others, and the And what, sir, became of the forty-six thousand manner in which it has been disbursed for the eight hundred and ninety one men raised to op- purposes of the Government. But this is no difpose Great Britain in 1776? We know they ficult task, and is no evidence of financial skill, were often compelled to fly before superior Brit- which he understood to consist in the faculty of ish forces, and by the waste of the war and short getting the most money into the Treasury, with enlistments, were reduced in 1783, to 13,476. Yet the least inconvenience to the contributors. He we seem now to be willing to fall into this same was not disposed, however, to complain of this fatal error and for what? and for what cause? inactivity on the part of the honorable Secretary, From groundless and visionary fears of the pos- because the Government had never called upon sible influence of regular troops upon our liber- him for greater exertions, and, perhaps, had no ties. But, sir, these fears come too late. They occasion to have made such a call, until about should have come upon us long ago. It is too three years ago. But, sir, what does this gentlelate to say, we are more afraid of the means of man tell us, upon whose splendid talents we all annoyance, than the enemy to be annoyed. We rely? That the national resources are equal to ought to have submitted long ago. We have now all the national exigencies. In his last report, he taken the ground of resistance, and cannot re- says, in substance, there can be no doubt of the cede. He hoped that the considerations urged ability and the will of the nation to furnish all the other day upon this subject, were sufficient the necessary supplies. If, then, reliance can be to demonstrate the fallacy of these alarms, and placed on his splendid financial talents, only give their unfortunate tendency in relation to the pub- them scope for action; apply them to the national lic welfare in the present state of our affairs.ability and will; let them perform the simple task Upon these views of the whole subject, he trusted that the Senate would concur with the committee in opinion, that the number of men recommended is not too great for the purposes of the Government, nor beyond the convenient abilities of the United States.

of pointing to the true modus operandi; and what reason have we to despair of the Republic? What reason have we to doubt of the abundance of the Treasury supplies? Until now the honorable Secretary has had no scope for the demonstration of his splendid financial talents. Of all the revMr. G. said, he would now proceed to the ten-enues receivable at the Treasury, he knew of but derest point of this discussion-the decrépit state one fund for which we are indebted to the sugof the Treasury Department. Mr. G. said, he did gestion of that gentleman. That is what is called not think this the true standard for estimating the the Mediterranean fund; and that is annually national resources, nor energies; nor for estimat-presented to us in a very awkward and crooked ing the means necessary for repelling aggressions form. But, against this may be placed the repeal upon our national rights; nor is it the one recom- of the salt tax; one of the most improvident mended in the President's responsible Message. measures ever adopted by this or any other GovBut the honorable mover had said it demanded ernment. He presumed the Secretary, at least, and ought to receive our first attention. He com- yielded his assent to that measure. Mr. G. said, plained, too, that Mr. G. had said the objects at he was extremely opposed to this measure at the stake were too great for counting the costs. Mr. time of its adoption; had twice reported against G. said this was not precisely the view he had it, as the chairman of a committee, to whom the before presented on this part of the subject. The subject was referred; and he believed it was twice opinion he expressed was, that there would be an rejected by this honorable body. His single vote, economy in furnishing means sufficient to effect he believed, turned the scale. He should have your objects; that the costs could not be deemed persevered in his opposition, notwithstanding the excessive, which would insure success; but if you popular cry raised at the time; but he yielded at dealt out your means so sparingly as to fail of length to an imposing claim urged on him by many your object, it would then become prodigal waste members of the House of Representatives. The and profusion of economy. To this opinion he House of Representatives was peculiarly intruststill adhered; and he thought there never was aned by the Constitution with the power of raising occasion where the remark would apply with more force and propriety than at present. The

revenue; and it could hardly be considered as correct in a single individual, in the other branc

of the Legislature, to put his veto to a measure, in relation to revenue, which was recommended by so large a majority of that branch, to whose discretion all subjects of revenue were intrusted in a peculiar manner. To this claim, and the very high respect he entertained for the House of Representatives, he yielded a reluctant consent, upon condition that the repeal should be postponed until one month after the meeting of the next session of Congress, and that the House of Representatives would again review and consider the subject. The month elapsed without re-enacting the law, and the tax ceased.

SENATE.

opposition of the Executive, acting, he believed, under the same unfortunate influence. This measure consisted in presenting to the aggressing belligerents an impartial and honorable proposition for accommodation; and in the event of its rejection, to issue letters of marque and reprisal against the refusing nation. This measure was so strongly and obviously recommended by the peculiar circumstances under which we were coercively placed by both the belligerents, that he was astonished at the anxious opposition it received; and to the success of that opposition, after the embargo was abandoned, may clearly Mr. G. said he never gave a vote more against be traced all our present sufferings and degradathe convictions of his own judgment than he did tions. Both the belligerents had determined that on that occasion, although the motive was one we should be no longer neutral; and had adopted which he conceived ought to exempt him from the most injurious measures in relation to us, to censure. If gentlemen will now multiply the coerce us into the war; each urging us to war product of that tax, by the number of years since against its enemy. What was the proper and it was taken off, they would find it would have manly reply to these aggressing nations? Here produced all the sums which have since been is a proposition of accommodation to each of you; called for by loans, provided no greater expendi-if either accepts, we pledge ourselves to issue lettures had been incurred by the Government than ters of marque and reprisal against the other, it have taken place. Besides the diminution of refusing the accommodation. This was the very Treasury funds, it has had the most baneful in- situation in which each wished to place us against fluence upon the salt works which had been its enemy; and of course both would probably established under its protection, and which would, have accepted the proposition; one or other cerunder the influence of the same protection, in a tainly would; and if the acceptance of one before very short time, have rendered us independent of the other would have produced a state of hostiliforeign nations for the supply of this article of the ties against the other, it would have been of very first necessity. He was not disposed, however, short continuance; because neither of them would on these accounts, to distrust the splendid financial find any interest in a war against us, and each talents of the honorable Secretary; although wished us to take a part in the war, not against candor compelled him to acknowledge that he itself, but against its enemy; and perhaps the acshould feel more confidence in them, if it were commodation would not be the less durable for not for the unwillingness evidently manifested having been sealed with blood. This measure by that gentleman himself, during the last three was not opposed upon its intrinsic merits nor deyears, in affording their usefulness to the Gov- merits, but it required to be backed with other ernment, in times which imperiously demanded measures of preparation and expense, and hence their full and prompt exertions. the real cause of its failure. The practical unMr. G. said the recession of the Treasury De- derstanding of the rejection of this measure, both partment from the trying difficulties of the nation at home and abroad, was submission to the belduring that period, must be evident to every im- ligerent aggressions; or, in other words, notwithpartial observer; and he believed he was acquaint- standing all our previous patriotic speeches and ed with circumstances which amounted to a resolutions, we were determined not to resist by knowledge that all the measures which have dis- force. And what has been the result of this conhonored the nation during the same time, are, in viction on the part of the belligerents, of submisa great degree, attributable to the indisposition of sion on our part? Great Britain immediately the late and present Administration to press on disavowed an arrangement made by Mr. Erskine, the Treasury Department, and to disturb the under the influence of instructions given under popularity and repose of the gentleman at the a contrary conviction, a conviction produced by head of it. That the inexecution of the embargo the measures of this body, and by a report made is properly attributable to that cause, he had no by a gentleman, then a member of the House of doubt; and notwithstanding all the clamor upon Representatives, and whom he then saw with that subject, its inexecution produced its repeal. pleasure on this floor, and a resolution adopted in The Executive refused to incur the expense, and consequence of that report. This resolution deaccept the means necessary for its effectual exe-clared our determination to resist the belligerent cution; which, he believed, would have been readily and zealously granted by Congress upon the Executive request, at any moment. When we were driven from that measure by the inexecution of the law, this honorable body proposed substitute, in his judgment infinitely better calculated to retrieve the honor and promote the interest of the nation, than the embargo itself. It was done too against the known and anxious

aggressions, with only two dissentient votes. The measures of this House, without any declaration, were calculated to produce the same conviction. In this state of things Mr. Erskine received his instructions, and a satisfactory arrangement with Great Britain was the consequence; but the moment Great Britain found we had receded from our own ground, and falsified our professions, she disavowed the arrangement, and now perseveres

SENATE.

Additional Military Force.

DECEMBER, 1811.

Great Britain, but a free commercial intercourse
with her. Grain was the principal product for ex-
portation in that part of the country; Great Brit-
ain was almost at all times in want of that arti-
cle, and was at this moment giving very high
prices for it. The country was generally in a
very prosperous condition, in consequence of this
state of things, and it could not be desirable to
change it. But he never could see the incompati-
bility between the desire of preserving peace, and
a preparation to meet unavoidable war.
It ap-
pears now to be almost universally agreed that if
this course had been heretofore pursued, it would
have insured peace; and if war should now come,
it would be in consequence of the fatal rejection
of the proposed measures of preparation for war.
In fact, there is no sounder maxim, than that a
preparation for war was the surest means of pre-
serving peace. If in this moment, in consulting
his own and the nation's interest, in the preserva-
tion of peace, he were called on to decide merely
in reference to that object, whether we should
now raise thirty thousand men (his favorite num-
ber) or ten thousand, or no men at all, he would
certainly prefer the thirty thousand.

in hostile inflexibility. How did France act upon scene of country with himself. It was imperiousbeing apprized of this improvident and fatal re-ly their interest, not only to preserve peace with cession? Her Emperor immediately seized and confiscated all your property within his control; and his Minister officially told us that he would have expected something more from a Jamaica Assembly! It is not to be presumed that Great Britain and France acted in concert upon this unfortunate occasion; and, therefore, the analogous conduct of each must be proof positive of the practical understanding and effect of our deprecated recession. It was a declaration of submission, as far as submission consists in refusing resistance by force. The Government seems now sensible of this fatal error, and is determined to retrieve it; but, he was sorry to observe, with measures as inefficient upon the principle of resistance by force, as were commercial restriction, in a substitution of that principle. And when we look for the causes of this deplorable inefficiency, they resolve themselves, as heretofore, into tenderness for the Treasury Department, &c. Mr. G. said, that whilst upon this most unpleasant part of the subject, he wished to be indulged in a few observations upon the state of our public debt; because this subject, in the hands of a skilful financier, had been the most efficient weapon for beating down all the measures which he believed were best calculated to support the character and promote the interests of this country. Mr. G. said it had always given him pleasure to see that debt in a rapid state of reduction, and he had at all times given his aid to facilitate that object.

We had, however, experienced the effects of a debt, of above $80,000,000, now reduced to perhaps $40,000,000, yet this difference of the amount of debt had never been felt by society. It had produced no sensible effect upon the common intercourse amongst men in their pecuniary affairs. He asked every gentleman to reflect and recollect, whether, in his pecuniary arrangements, he ever took into his calculations the present, compared with the former state of the public debt? For his part, he said, he should never have known of the reduction of the debt, but for the annual Treasury Report. The reason why a debt of eighty millions of dollars is not felt in the United States, is, that the amount is so entirely within their ability. Now, sir, is it not infinitely better to restore the debt to its former amount, or more, when we know from experience how little influence it has on society, and that influence will necessarily be diminished in proportion to our increase in wealth and population, than to surrender the smallest attribute of the national sovereignty?

Mr. G. said, before he concluded, he begged permission to observe, that particular individuals supposed they had an interest in imputing to him

a wish to involve this nation in a war with Great Britain, and had accordingly reproached him with the most unworthy epithets. He said, no gentleman present wished for peace, or deprecated war with Great Britain, more than himself. He said, he hoped he was not blind to his own interests, nor the interests of those inhabiting the same

If you had thirty thousand men on the confines of Canada, Great Britain would then believe you were in earnest. She would know that after that force was raised, it must be applied to its objects, and she would of course begin to calculate its consequences. If she found that the inconveniencies of opposing such a force, would not be compensated for by her hostile aggressions, she would probably abandon them. If she thought that by the chances of war an obedient and friendly colony might be converted into an enemy's country, it would afford a great inducement to her to avoid the war. If she found a hostile population approaching Halifax, the inducement would be increased; for that is the point nearest her heart; and she would risk much in its protection. It is important to her, as a protection to her West Indies, &c. Besides, the war would deprive her of her best commercial customer, &c., &c. These and similar considerations might induce her to prefer peace. Without presenting a competent military force, perfectly prepared and placed in a situation for action, none of these inducements for the preservation of peace will be presented to the British Cabinet. But if, disregarding these considerations, she should prefer war, no gentleman can seriously conclude that even thirty thousand additional troops can be too many for the purposes of war.

NOTE-Observe the chronological statement of the

following facts, and mark the obvious course of cause

and effect.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES-Dec. 13, 1808. The question was taken on agreeing to the following resolution, to wit:

"Resolved, That the United States cannot without a sacrifice of their rights, honor and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and France."

Additional Military Force.

And resolved in the affirmative-yeas 118, nays 2, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Tenas follows: nessee, Thruston, and Tiffin-21.

The report of the Committee on our Foreign Rela- Stanford, Stedman, Storer, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, tions, positively declared, that there were but three al-Tallmadge, Thompson, Upham, Van Allen, Van Cortternatives left to the United States by the belligerents: hill, Wilbour, Williams, and Wilson-74. landt, Van Dyke, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, Whiteembargo, submission, or war.

The Senate proceeded to consider the amendments of the House of Representatives to the bill, entitled "An act to interdict the commercial intercourse bebetween the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes."

Yeas and Nays on the passage of the bill to inter-ish dict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes:

YEAS-Messrs. Anderson, Condit, Franklin, Gaillard, Giles, Gregg, Howland, Kitchell, Leib, Mathewson, Meigs, Milledge, Mitchill, Moore, Pope, Robinson,

Mr. A. said, he should not pretend to reply to all the various observations the gentleman had thought proper to make, very many of which he considered altogether irrelevant to the question under consideration, but which might, perhaps, answer some other purpose. which the honorable member might have in view.

DECEMBER, 1811.

say, that he was unprepared to oppose a very un- as soon as an opportunity presented, would most expected motion, when he, Mr. A., had two days certainly be thrown into that country. Mr. A. before, whilst the bill was under consideration, said, upon a fair view of the whole subject, as it suggested his intention, in his place, to make the presented itself to him, he was decidedly of opinmotion he had now made; upon which the honor-ion that the number of regular troops to be raised able member expressed a wish to postpone the con- by that bill ought not to exceed 16,000; and he sideration of the question, and immediately moved had no hesitation in saying, that in his opinion, the postponement of the bill, which was not op- as efficient a force would be raised under such a posed, and of course prevailed. Mr. A. said, that provision within the time limited for taking the the motion was not, therefore, made without due field, as would be raised were the present numnotice, and, he would add, without due consider- ber in the bill retained-and in the former case, ation. He had consulted with a number of the we should prove to our enemies, that we were members of this honorable body, for whose judg- able to raise such a number of regular troops as ment and opinions he had great respect, and with might be wanted upon a sudden emergency; but whose approbation, and he might indeed add, at in the latter, we should not be able to make the whose instance, the motion had been made. He same exhibit. What then would be the consewas, however, himself ready and willing to meet quence? You would give a most mortifying all the responsibility that might attach to it ; not proof that your means were not commensurate withstanding the surprise of the honorable mem- to your ends; that your plan had been badly diber as to the quarter from which it had come. gested, and worse executed. And surely the gentlemen can have no desire to present such a state of things, at the very moment when all the energies of the nation seem to be required. Mr. A. said, to avoid this extraordinary exhibit was also one of his objects; and this, in his opinion, could be done by taking the course he had contemplated; reduce the number of regulars, and supply the deficiency by volunteers. This, he firmly believed, was in our power. Combine the two corps; take nearly an equal number of each; and the object intended could be effected. Mr. A. said, he was convinced that it was the mode the President had contemplated, and he entirely approved it; and if the honorable member had attended to another part of the President's Message where it speaks of volunteers, he must himself have been convinced, that the President did not mean to make the descent upon Canada with the 10,000 regulars only; which had been understood, as the gentleman had stated, to be the auxiliary force referred to in the Message. The object of the President cannot be better explained than by referring to the Message itself. He says "I recommend, accordingly, that adequate provision be made for filling the ranks and prolonging the enlistments of the regular troops; for an auxiliary force, to be engaged for a more limited time; for the acceptance of volunteer corps, whose patriotic ardor may court a participation in urgent services." The manner in which the President speaks of the volunteers, can leave no doubt upon the mind of any one as to the service in which they were to be employed-they are evidently intended to be united with the regular troops, to perform urgent services, according to the express language of the Message. Mr. A. would ask the honorable member, what was the urgent service meant by the President? Most certainly, a descent upon Canada, in which the regulars and volunteers were equally to participate. Why then, the honorable member had taken so much pains to prove that the 10,000 regulars were the only military force with which the President had intended to perform the urgent service referred to in his Message, Mr. A. was at a loss to comprehend;

Mr. A. said, he was as strongly impressed with the necessity of a sufficient force, for the invasion of Canada, as the gentleman from Virginia could possibly be, and not a single expression had escaped him to induce a belief that he should be unwilling to vote a proper and ample force for that service; but he differed greatly with the gentleman as to the kind of force we ought immediately to employ. The honorable member appeared to place his sole dependence upon the regular troops; and yet, if he understood his argument, he was decidedly in favor of making a descent upon Canada early in the Spring. As to the time, Mr. A. agreed with him; but as to the means, he certainly differed very greatly from him. The number of regulars contemplated by the gentleman could not possibly be raised within the time; he was therefore of opinion, that a less number ought to be inserted in the bill. It should be recollected that we had very recently authorized the regiments on the Peace Establishment to be filled; they would require at least 6,000 men; add thereto 25,000 more, the number proposed by the honorable member, and he would ask him to answer candidly, whether he really believed that so great a number of regular troops could be enlisted within the time required for the service to be performed. Mr. A. said, impressed, as he was, with a firm belief that not more than half the number proposed by the honorable member could be enlisted within the time they must take the field in order to act efficiently against Canada, he could not see the propriety of retaining the whole number contemplated by the bill. Mr. A. said, it must be well known to every gentleman, that the invasion of Canada must necessarily take place before the breaking up of the ice in the river St. Lawrence; otherwise, twice 25,000 would be required-because large reinforcements,