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JANUARY, 1812.

Additional Military Force.

H. OF R.

gan, Jeremiah Morrow, Hugh Nelson, Thomas Newbold, Thomas Newton, Joseph Pearson, Israel Pickens, William Piper, Josiah Quincy, John Randolph, Jonathan Roberts, William Rodman, Ebenezer Sage, Ebenezer Seaver, Daniel Sheffey, John Smilie, George Smith, John Smith, Richard Stanford, Philip Stuart, William Strong, John Taliaferro, William Widgery, and Thomas Wilson-60.

the amendment which formed the twenty-fifth secThe question was then taken on receding from tion of the bill, providing that the officers should continue in commission during such term only as the President shall judge requisite, and carried by about the same majority as the last.

venson Archer, Ezekiel Bacon, David Bard, Josiah Bart- uel McKee, Arunah Metcalf, James Milnor, James Morlett. Burwell Bassett, William W. Bibb, William Blackledge, Harmanus Bleecker, Thos. Blount, Adam Boyd, Robert Brown, William A. Burwell, William Butler, John C. Calhoun, Langdon Cheves, Matthew Clay, James Cochran, John Clopton, Lewis Condit, William Crawford, Roger Davis, John Dawson, Joseph Desha, Samuel Dinsmore, Elias Earle, James Emott, William Findley, James Fisk, Meshack Franklin, Thos. Gholson, Thomas R. Gold, Isaiah L. Green, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, Obed Hall, John A. Harper, Aylett Hawes, John M. Hyneman, Richard M. Johnson, Joseph Kent, Wm. R. King, Abner Lacock, Joseph Lefever, Peter Little, Robert Le Roy Livingston, William Lowndes, Aaron Lyle, George C. Maxwell, Thomas Moore, William McCoy, Samuel McKee, Alexander McKim, Arunah Metcalf, James Milnor, Samuel L. Mitchill, James Morgan, Jeremiah Morrow, Hugh Nelson, Anthony New, Thomas Newbold, Thomas Newton, Stephen Ormsby, William Paulding, jr., Israel Pickens, William Piper, Benjamin Pond, Peter B. Porter, Josiah Quincy, William Reed, Samuel Ringgold, John Rhea, John Roane, Jonathan Roberts, Ebenezer Sage, Thomas Sammons, Lemuel Sawyer, Ebenezer Seaver, John Sevier, Adam Seybert, Samuel Shaw, John Smilie, George Smith, John Smith, Silas Stow, William Strong, George Sullivan, Peleg Tallman, John Taliaferro, Uri Tracy, George M. Troup, Charles Turner, jun., Pierre Van Cortlandt, jun., David R. Williams, William Widgery, Richard Winn, and Robert Wright-98.

The question was then taken on receding from the amendment in the proviso to the first section of the bill, which limited the appointment of officers to six regiments, and was decided as follows:

The next question was, on receding from the twenty-sixth section of the bill, which provided that no general, field, or staff officer should receive pay until called into service. This question was lost, there being 49 votes for receding and 76 against it, as follows:

junior, Pierre Van Cortlandt, junior, and Leonard

White-49.

YEAS-Willis Alston, jr., William Anderson, Ezekiel Bacon, Josiah Bartlett, Burwell Bassett, Wm. W. Bibb, Harmanus Bleecker, Jno. C. Calhoun, Langdon Cheves, John Clopton, Lewis Condit, Samuel Dinsmoor, James Fisk, Meshack Franklin, Thomas Gholson, Isaiah L. Green, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, Obed Hall, John A. Harper, John M. Hyneman, Joseph Kent, Abner Lacock, Joseph Lefever, Peter Little, Robert Le Roy Livingston, William Lowndes, Alexander McKim, Samuel L. Mitchill, Anthony New, Stephen Ormsby, William Paulding, jr., Benjamin Pond, Peter B. Porter, Samuel Ringgold, John Rhea, John Roane, Thomas Sammons, Lemuel Sawyer, John Sevier, Adam Seybert, Samuel Shaw, Benjamin Tallmadge, Peleg TallYEAS-Willis Alston, jr., William Anderson, Steven-man, Uri Tracy, George M. Troup, Charles Turner, son Archer, Ezekiel Bacon, Josiah Bartlett, Burwell Bassett, Abijah Bigelow, William Blackledge, Elijah Brigham, John C. Calhoun, Langdon Cheves, Martin Chittenden, Matthew Clay, John Clopton, Lewis Condit, Samuel Dinsmoor, William Ely, James Fisk, Meshack Franklin, Thomas Gholson, Thomas R. Gold, Isaiah L. Green, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, Obed Hall, John A. Harper, Joseph Kent, William R. King, Abner Lacock, Joseph Lefever, Peter Little, Robert Le Roy Livingston, William Lowndes, William McCoy, Alexander McKim, Samuel L. Mitchill, Jonathan O. Moseley, Anthony New, Stephen Ormsby, William Paulding, jr., Timothy Pitkin, junior, Benjamin Pond, Peter B. Porter, Elisha R. Potter, William Reed, Samuel Ringgold, John Rhea, John Roane, Thomas Sammons, Lemuel Sawyer, John Sevier, Adam Seybert, Samuel Shaw, Silas Stow, Lewis B. Sturges, George Sullivan, Samuel Taggart, Benjamin Tallmadge, Peleg Tallman, Uri Tracy, George M. Troup, Charles Turner, jr., Pierre Van Cortland, jr., Laban Wheaton, Leonard White, Rich. Winn, and Robt. Wright-67. NAYS-David Bard, William W. Bibb, Harmanus Bleecker, Thomas Blount, Adam Boyd, James Brecken-Philip Stuart, Silas Stow, William Strong, Lewis B. ridge, Robert Brown, William A. Burwell, William Butler, Epaphroditus Champion, James Cochran, William Crawford, John Davenport, jr., Roger Davis, John Dawson, Joseph Desha, Elias Earle, James Emott, William Findley, Asa Fitch, Aylett Hawes, Jacob Hufty, John M. Hyneman, Richard Jackson, jr., Richard M. Johnson, Philip B. Key, Lyman Law, Joseph Lewis, junior, Aaron Lyle, Nathaniel Macon, George Resolved, That this House do insist upon the C. Maxwell, Thomas Moore, Archibald McBryde, Sam-third amendment disagreed to by the Senate

William Blackledge, Thomas Blount, Adam Boyd, Jas.
NAYS-Stevenson Archer, David Bard, A. Bigelow,
Breckenridge, Elijah Brigham, Robert Brown, William
A. Burwell, William Butler, Epaphroditus Champion,
Martin Chittenden, Matthew Clay, James Cochran,
William Crawford, Roger Davis, John Dawson, Joseph
Desha, Elias Earle, William Ely, James Emott, Wil-
liam Findley, Asa Fitch, Thomas R. Gold, Aylett
Hawes, Jacob Hufty, Richard Jackson, jr., Richard M.
Johnson, Philip B. Key, William R. King, Lyman Law,
C. Maxwell, Thomas Moore, Archibald McBryde, Wil-
Joseph Lewis, jr., Aaron Lyle, Nathaniel Macon, Geo.
liam McCoy, Samuel McKee, Arunah Metcalf, James
Milnor, James Morgan, Jeremiah Morrow, Jonathan
O. Moseley, Hugh Nelson, Thomas Newbold, Thomas
Newton, Joseph Pearson, Israel Pickens, William Pi-
per, Timothy Pitkin, jr., Josiah Quincy, John Randolph,
William Reed, Jonathan Roberts, William Rodman,
Ebenezer Sage, Ebenezer Seaver, Daniel Sheffey, John
Smilie, George Smith, John Smith, Richard Stanford,

Sturges, George Sullivan, Samuel Taggart, John Tali-
aferro, Laban Wheaton, William Widgery, Thomas
Wilson, Richard Winn, and Robert Wright-76.

The last question was on receding from the twenty-seventh section, which gave power to the President to appoint officers in the recess of the Senate, which was carried 61 to 40.

H. OF R.

FRIDAY, January 10.

Employment of the Army.

Mr. LEWIS, from the Committee for the District of Columbia, presented a bill to incorporate the Trustees of the Washington College; which was read twice and committed to a Committee of the Whole on Monday next.

Mr. BLACKLEDGE, from the committee appointed on the subject, presented a bill to alter the times of holding the District Courts of the United States for the North Carolina District; which was read twice, and ordered to be engrossed and read the third time to-morrow.

On motion of Mr. MORROW, the Committee on the Public Lands were discharged from the consideration of the petition of the President and Trustees of the Natchez Hospital, referred yesterday; and the petition was referred to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures.

On motion of Mr. BACON, the Committee of Ways and Means were discharged from the consideration of so much of the above-mentioned petition as was referred to them; and it was also referred to the Committee of Commerce and Manu factures.

A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate recede from their disagreement to the amendment to the bill "to raise an additional military force," which has been insisted on by this House.

On motion of Mr. MILNOR, a committee was appointed to inquire and report whether any, and what, amendments are necessary to the act, entitled "An act to prescribe the mode in which the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings, in each State, shall be authenticated, so as to take effect in every other State;" the committee to have leave to report by bill, or otherwise. Mr. MILNOR, Mr. CHEVES, and Mr. Law, were appointed the committee.

EMPLOYMENT OF THE ARMY.. Mr. RANDOLPH rose, and said, that having been engaged in raising a large military force, he, for one, if the United States were to incur this expense, was disposed to give them employment, not probably, though, the identical employment of which the House had heard so much. It was the boast of the Roman legion and its commanders, that the Roman soldiery was as well versed in the use of the pickaxe and the spade as the sword; and so essential was it deemed by that wise and military people that the soldiery should not only be able to perform their military duty, but be useful as laborers, that their military levies were always made from the country, from men engaged in the employment of husbandry, in preference to the dissolute and profligate loungers of the town. He, for one, had been, for a long time, surprised, that the Government should be paying immense sums in all parts of the United States for labor, whilst the soldiery, which annually drew millions from our Treasury, are kept in a state of perfect idleness, leading to depravity and dissoluteness of manners. He believed that regular and wholesome labor would not only have a good effect in preserving the health of our soldiers, but it would

JANUARY, 1812.

render the load of life which they are at present. compelled to bear, less burdensome, and prevent them from having recourse to intoxication. If they were to be employed in digging the President's house or the War Office from under ground, it would not only give them an appetite for their regular meals, but some appetite for their existence. At this moment it is contemplated by the Government to perform some works of great utility. We have already decided that if these men shall be raised, and the public service does not require them to be employed, the President shall not have the power of disbanding them; but before the bill can be carried into operation, a considerable time must elapse; and if there be no war, our large Peace Establishment will be entirely out of employ, except that they may shoulder their muskets on the south side of some range of buildings.

Believing, therefore, that the employment of these men, would not only be useful in forwarding works of public uility, but tend to their own comfort and happiness-if there can be such a thing as a happy mercenary slave-and in some measure, supply that loss of labor which is taken out of the market by their enlistment-he wished some measure to be adopted for this purpose. He also believed that if the officers had something like employment, by overlooking their men, and seeing that they performed their work properly, they would be thereby materially benefited; for he could conceive of nothing so injurious to the comfort of a man as leading the life of a drone without business. The greatest geniuses of the age, spending their time in this way, would become drones and dead weights on society. He, therefore, moved the following resolution:

"Resolved, That the President of the United States

be authorized to employ the regular army of the United States, when not engaged in actual service, and when in his judgment the public interest will not thereby be injured, in the construction of roads, canals, or other works of public utility."

Mr. WRIGHT.-Mr. Speaker, I hope this House will not disgrace itself by permitting this resolution to lie on the table. It proposes to convert the Army of the United States into a body of laborers on the canals and public roads, and their officers into overseers of the roads and canals. It goes directly to convert the proceedings of this House, on the bill to raise 25,000 men, into a farce, and to present to the nation, (whose spirit is now alive to avenge the wrongs we have too long sustained.) a very different object to which that army may be applied than that for which it was intended. Sir, the President, who is the Commanderin-Chief of the Army, whose duties as such are confined to military objects, will thereby be converted into a supervisor general of roads and canals. It is not in the contemplation of the Constitution, that the President, as Commander-inChief of the Army, should have such labor imposed on him. You might, with equal propriety, impose on him the supervising and assisting the tillage of the cotton plantations by the Army. Sir, the President would not be bound by such a law. The Army, sir, may be correctly engaged on for

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tifications, or such roads as are necessary for their own use; pioneers to proceed and prepare the way for the Army, as axemen, are in constant use. But, sir, would you degrade the Army by making them work on canals and "public roads," a punishment inflicted on felons in Maryland? I hope not, Mr. Speaker. That gentleman has been patiently heard while opposing the bill for 25,000 men; but, sir, after that bill has been passed by a great majority of the House, I submit to that gentleman, whether every friend to the great Republican principle, that "a majority shall govern," is not, as a citizen, bound to give efficacy to the measure, and his co-operation to carry it into effect. I therefore hope this House will see this subject as having the effect I have stated, and will not suffer the resolution to lie on the table, if the gentleman who has, in my judgment, thoughtlessly introduced it, will not withdraw it. Mr. CALHOUN was not at all surprised to find gentlemen, who are opposed to putting the country into a war attitude, should endeavor, by every means in their power, to defeat the measures adopted. At a moment when we are calling upon the yeomanry of our country to step forward in defence of our rights, he thought such a motion very improper, and he hoped Congress would not treat it with so much respect as to suffer it to lie upon the table for a moment. The gentleman had frequently told the House he believed the Army was composed of the worst materials; and he now appears to wish to bring the service into disgrace. He hoped the proposition would be disposed of without much debate.

Mr. RANDOLPH never dreamed of the great sensibility which he appeared to have excited in the House by this motion. He had exchanged conversation with some of the best and wisest men in the community on this subject, who had agreed with him in the opinion as to the propriety of thus employing the Army; and nothing but the pressure of other business and the remoteness of our situation from any theatre of public works, had prevented him from bringing forward the proposition long ago.

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were made therein. And by whom were they constructed? They were constructed by the Roman legion. If, sir, you go down even to this navy yard, you will be astonished to hear, that the palace there erected cost only somewhere about a thousand dollars, the work of it being chiefly done by the marines.

But it seems that, in Maryland, it is a criminal punishment, and therefore disgraceful, to work on the roads, and on that account the Army of the United States must not be put to any such employment. In Virginia, the criminals in our Penitentiary are employed in making shoes, nails, clothes-so that, if the gentleman's argument be good, we ought to have no shoemaker, nailer, or tailor, enlisted into our army, lest, forsooth, he should contaminate the honor of the corps.

Shall I ask, in what manner the delay of public business is produced by laying on your table a resolution authorizing the President, not to take the Army from their military duty, but when they are not employed in the public service, and when, in his estimation, the public interest will not thereby be injured, to employ them in public works of utility? There was no relation between this resolution and the business which was before the House yesterday. For three years, this subject had been floating in his mind, and nothing was further from his expectation than that he was about to excite the feelings of any gentleman, much less that he was about to incur a charge of delaying the public business.

The gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. CALHOUN) had stated, that it was not to be wondered at that gentlemen opposed to the preparations now making for war, should attempt to delay the public business. He did not wish to pro duce any delay in the measures which the House had determined upon. In extreme cases, he might be induced to steps of this kind; but, in a case like this, he should not do it.

He did not require to be informed by the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. WRIGHT) of the polite attention with which the House had favored him, while he was discussing a subject of momenThough he was a native of a country the chief tous concern to the nation. But, on whom is the part of the labor of which is performed by slaves, delay of the public business fairly chargeable? yet he had learned to-day, for the first time, that He appealed to his worthy friend from Georgia, honest labor was disgraceful; that the honor of a if it were not chargeable on his friends; for that soldier cannot survive it. He was sorry, if such gentleman had said, some days ago, "that he were the case, to find there is, indeed, a much would wait with pleasure to hear anything wider distinction between honor and honesty, which could be heard in opposition; but he was than he had imagined. Men put on a livery-wearied out with the debate from the professed, the livery of the King-are engaged in perform-and, he had no doubt, the real friends of the ing menial offices for their officers, who expose their naked backs to the merciless executioner, are deprived of free agency-but they are above honest labor! He wished we could avail ourselves, if it were only now and then, to look on the practices of other nations; that we would not believe that we are the most enlightened people in the world. Who were the constructors of the great military highways which pervaded every country when reduced to the form of a Roman province? That wise people never deemed any country subdued, until great military high roads

measures under discussion."

With the aid of the previous question, and a majority of sixty in favor of war measures, if there be any ability for public business, let us not hear of delay from laying a simple resolution on the table, and a debate proceeding, not from the party offering it, but from those who are not willing it should lie on the table: from which if it were taken, it would not be by his hand, except it were asked with more courtesy and urbanity than had been shown by the gentleman who suggested this course.

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Employment of the Army.

JANUARY, 1812.

Mr. FISK did not know in what manner the f which had been noticed. He did not wish to gentleman wished to be applied to for a with- hold out to the world that this military force was drawal of his proposition; but he thought it would raised with any other view than to go to war. be disgraceful to Congress that such a resolution Would it not be highly improper, at the moment should lie on their table. At a time when we we are raising men to defend our country, that are about to raise an army to defend our injured we should be discussing a proposition for employcountry, an attempt is made to turn the whole ing them in making roads and canals? Can the into ridicule. by a proposition to employ them in gentleman from Virginia be surprised that this making roads and digging canals! Things which motion should excite sensibility? may be proper and reputable in one situation, may be improper and disreputable in another. Whether it was proper or decorous to call the Army of the United States mercenary slaves, he should leave the world to judge; but he could never give his vote one day for raising an army for the defence of the country, and the next, give countenance to a resolution which went to degrade that

army.

Why was not a resolution of this kind, if he thought it necessary, brought forward before we had a prospect of war? Would the gentleman have these men set to work with their pickaxes and spades, at a moment when the country is bleeding under the wounds which she has received from an implacable enemy? Under different circumstances, and under a different modification, he probably should not have objected to such a Mr. STANFORD was not prepared to say whe- proposition. The modification to which he alther it would be proper to agree to this proposi-luded was, to allow to every man who should be tion or not; but it certainly was no new thing. thus employed, additional pay. But, will any He asked gentlemen to recollect who cut the roads gentleman who has voted for war measures confrom the frontiers of Tennessee to Natchez; they sent that this proposition shall lie on the table? were cut by the Army, under the direction of the If so, the people will still believe we are not in late President. How were the troops employed earnest. If the mover of this proposition be disat Terre au Bœuf? He understood they were posed, in the least, to accommodate the House, it engaged in ditching and other work. He stated would be best at once to take a vote on the resothese things to show that the subject is worthy of lution itself, instead of the motion at present beconsideration. fore the House.

Mr. TALLMADGE understood the resolution to contemplate employing the troops, when out of service, in working on roads and canals. He would suggest an amendment to the resolution, which would be, to employ the men in erecting fortifications also. He was credibly informed that Government had been in the habit of paying a dollar a day to laborers on fortifications, while our troops were idle. During his military life, he had been employed in all necessary labor; and, passing a resolution like the present, would show that this House expected that the labor for which large sums had heretofore been paid, should be done by the troops.

Mr. RANDOLPH accepted of this amendment. Mr. WRIGHT said, this amendment was unnecessary, since every one acquainted with military business, knew that this was a part of the duty of an army.

The SPEAKER declared the amendment to be in order.

Mr. QUINCY said, that though the first impressions of his mind were hostile to this proposition, yet he could not believe it was a question, especially as modified by the amendment of the gentleman from Connecticut, which ought not to be permitted to lie on the table, and hereafter be considered. He regretted that the yeas and nays had been called for. He supposed that the resolution would, at least, have been suffered to lie on the table, without objection.

Mr. GRUNDY said, he voted in favor of considering the resolution, because, if we were to refuse to consider it to-day, the gentleman might renew it from day to day. He believed the time and circumstances under which this motion was brought forward, had produced the sensibility

Mr. KENT. However I might be disposed to discuss a resolution of this nature at any other time, I am decidedly opposed to it at this moment, either in its original shape, or as amended. Should we be serious in going to war, our army will have sufficient employment.

The President knows his duty too well not to employ those men in erecting and repairing forts, to guard against the inroads of our enemies-for a powerful one we shall have to contend with. View, sir, our extensive seacoast from the Chesapeake to Mississippi. Georgia and the Carolinas must be watched and defended. New Orleans must be protected, and New York must not be overlooked. Are we to raise those troops with their numerous officers, and encounter a countless expense, to do what? Cut roads and make ditches. What effect is the gentleman's resolution calculated to have on the enlistments about to be made? Patriotism alone can raise an army in this country.

Such is the facility with which a comfortable subsistence can be obtained in this happy land by agricultural pursuits, that men are to be induced by patriotism, not the pittance that we shall offer them, to enlist in the service of their country. However correct the motive and object of the gentleman may be, his resolution, at this critical moment, is well calculated to bring our measures into contempt. It is well adapted to convert the serious, solemn acts of this House, into a mere farce. What is proposed? To convert your army, at a time like this, into mere hewers of wood and diggers of earth. Instead of avenging the wrongs so deeply inflicted upon our country, they are to be consigned to work upon the roads, to be associated in employment with criminals,

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who, by the laws of some of the States, are sentenced, by way of punishment, to labor on the roads. The gentleman from Virginia speaks of the legions of Rome; had such a resolution heen adopted by the Roman Senate, it would have converted their brave legions into worse than a band of diggers. It would have bent their lofty minds, from the greatest bravery, from the loftiest virtue, to a debasement beneath calculation.

I hope the House will reject the resolution with that promptness, with that decision, which becomes us.

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had refreshed his memory in mentioning the fact of the late President having thus employed a part of the soldiery formerly. There is nothing in the resolution to damp the ardor of the patriotism of any man inclined to enter the service. If it be patriotism which leads a man to enter into the army, he will calculate upon leaving it as soon as the army shall have effected its object; and if at any time, during his service, he should not be wanted to perform military duty, he would prefer being employed in honest labor, in the open, cheerful air, to being shut up in a barrack.

Mr. R. would venture to say that, if at the end of this Congress, or at the commencement of the next, a resolution to this effect were to be laid

Mr. RANDOLPH had a wish to accommodate the gentleman from Tennessee. He would, therefore, withdraw his motion for laying the proposition on the table, and have the question on the adop-upon the table, when the present war fever had tion of the resolution. somewhat abated, if it shall not be wholly removed, nothing of the sensation which we have now seen, would be produced. He could readily believe that the common soldiers, already enervated by idleness and inebriety, would have objections to this proposition; but their objections would be, with him, the highest recommendation.

Mr. SMILIE observed that, if such a proposition would, at any time be proper, it is extremely improper at this time. The less said on the subject the better.

Mr. KEY had always considered it to be the duty of the soldiery to build fortifications; they had to obey the commands of their officers in executing works of this kind. The gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. STANFORD) had stated correctly that the soldiers had been employed in making the road which he had mentioned; and he believed, at this time, some troops are engaged in cutting a road through the lands of the Choctaw nation of Indians. But he was opposed to the resolution, as unnecessary-it being already the duty of soldiers to execute works of this kind, under the direction of their officers.

Mr. WIDGERY wished to know if the motion could not be divided. The working on fortifications was certainly a part of the duty of soldiers; but he considered this power already in the hands of the commander of every army, and it would not be taken from him by any vote we may give so he should vote against the resolution. As to working on roads and canals, he did not expect the soldiers to be employed in this manner.

In no remarks, said Mr. R., which he had ever applied to an army, had he any reference to that army to which we owe our independence. He thought of it with far more reverence. Let not gentlemen deceive themselves-the army of the present day is not the army of the RevolutionGeneral Wilkinson is not General Washington. A more corrupt military body never existed than the Prætorian band.

Mr. WRIGHT inquired of the Speaker if it were in order thus to abuse the army of the country?

The SPEAKER said the gentleman had a right to express his opinion of any public establishment; the great object in debate is to respect ourselves, not to exhibit extraordinary heat, but to discuss every question which came before the House in a cool and orderly manner, and treat each other as gentlemen ought to be treated.

show me the nation, said he, which has lost its liberty in any other way-a member is not to rise and announce the danger, lest he should hurt the feelings of some gallant and honorable man; because he may wound the feelings of the Prætor to the First Consul? The opinion which he had expressed of our army, was the deliberate convic

Mr. RANDOLPH rose and asked, if another Cromwell was at the door; or, if not at the door, in full Mr. RANDOLPH would suppose the case to hap-march to subvert the liberties of the nation-and pen, to which the attention of the House was called yesterday, on one of the amendments to the bill for raising an additional military force, that our affairs are adjusted with England, and the troops are not wanted to fight. You have put it out of the power of the President to disband them. Would it not, then, be desirable that they should be employed in some useful work, while they are re-tion of his judgment, from which he never should ceiving their pay from the public? The gentleman be driven. It had been made his duty to examine from Maryland, (Mr. WRIGHT.) had talked about the testimony of a cloud of witnesses, many of these men being associated with felons. He did them members of that body, and his soul sickenexpect accuracy from that gentleman. Is there ed with loathing and disgust at the examination. any such proposition in that resolution? It is a He would not be understood as making his obsersimple, naked proposition, a rational and reason-vations general. There are in the Army many able one; and one which nothing but the panic of the moment could have raised into the consequence which had been given to it. The question is simply this-whether a large body of troops, engaged in the service of the United States, not having employment, whom the nation is compelled to pay, shall be employed on works of public utility? And, his friend from North Carolina

worthy, gallant spirits; but, taken in the mass, it is cankered to the core. He recollected the evidence, which he was compelled to reduce to writing, in the trial of Aaron Burr. He knew by whom Burr was received, and supplied with arms out of the public stores, with aids-orderly sergeants, he believed, they were called-and he had seen these very persons since promoted. Under

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