The people whom we represent here, in this House, may by called emphatically a commercial people. All of them, and more especially the eastern and northern portions of the inhabitants, have a deep interest in the use and employment of the ocean. Their land is the more valuable on account of its contiguity to that highway of nations. They have availed themselves of their situation to educate expert merchants and navigators. They are owners of vessels and cargoes; and these, together, with their persons, they expose on the tempestuous waves; dispositions of this character marked the infancy of the Colonial settlements. Even while confined within the restrictions imposed by the master Government over his provinces, they gave admirable proofs of their knowledge and adroitness in almost everything that related to trade and shipping.

Thus, a commercial spirit was interwoven, as it were, with their original stamina. What they first acquired by practice, was perpetuated by imitation. To this day, it is cherished by habit; by continuance, it has become necessary to them, as a sort of second nature. This tendency of their mind was strengthened by the freedom of the institutions under which they lived; and, before the lapse of half a century, from their landing in these climes, they disputed fiercely with their governors about patronage and prerogative. In process of time, attempts were made to tax their commerce without their consent, and to levy money upon them, not voted by representatives of their own choosing. They resisted; they appealed to arms. The duties on glass, painters' colors, and tea, were not oppressive in their amount; but, being wrong in principle, our predecessors, unalterably attached to a free jurisprudence, and a free trade, declared magnanimously that they would not tolerate the encroachments. They adopted the maxim of principiis obsta, of opposing tyranny at its onset. They made early opposition, and their resistance was effectual.

The quarrel which terminated in the Revolution was thus the offspring of a misunderstanding, principally commercial; and, indeed, grounded in commercial restrictions. And I mention it to demonstrate the temper and feeling of our people, while yet in the Colonial condition, upon this important point. That was a contest upon a precautionary idea, and undertaken less from any injury actually sustained, than from oppression apprehended.

JANUARY, 1812.

more skilfully than any nation on the globe. I quote the naval architects of New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Norfolk, and Charleston, in proof of my assertion. The excellence of their structures, whether you regard their burden or their speed, is without a parallel in ancient or modern times. Nor are our countrymen deficient in the management and direction of such floating machines. They can spring a cable and weigh an anchor more expertly than the trans-atlantic sailors; they can hand, reef, and steer better; they can perform a prescribed piece of service quicker; they equal the most able of the foreign mariners in expedients to lessen the dangers of the storm, and to extricate themselves from the horrors of a lee-shore. Their activity has really wrought wonders. While some of them are exploring high latitudes for a Southern continent, another has taken possession (Crusoe-like) of the remote island of Tristan d'Acunha ; while a third teaches the arts of civilization to the natives of the Sandwich Islands, and a fourth plants the seeds of empire on the banks of the Northwestern Columbia. To belt the globe, is become with them a common feat, an ordinary act of commercial outfit. The sandal-wood of the Fejee islands, the pearls of the Carolinas, and the buche de mer of the Philippines, are sought almost as familiarly as the productions of the West Indies. If they find force necessary to carry on that commerce, they apply that force, remove difficulties abroad in their own way, and excite no inquiries at home about their proceedings. By individual effort the science of physical geography and the art of circumnavigation, are as much improved now-adays, and in this country, as they have heretofore been by the munificence of nations, even with European monarchs at their head. And, what is worthy of particular notice in these voyages, they who engage in them perfectly know how curiosity may be blended with profit, and how the air, the water, and the earth, may be so laid under contribution as to afford them a rich reward for their toils.

I have heard it said, that the revolutionary Congress had conceived, as soon as the individual States could be prevailed upon to surrender the impost then belonging to them, a duty of five per centum ad valorem, would defray all the needful expenses of the General Government. All their calculations of future income rested upon commerce. The framers of the Constitution, under Independence was, nevertheless, attained, and which we are now by God's blessing assembled, our citizens were thereby emancipated from their appear to have entertained similar views of the provincial thraldom. Immediately, they became system of revenue. This may be inferred, from more commercial than ever; they quickly doubled the power expressly given to Congress "to reguthe stormy Cape, and made visits to India and late commerce." And this, sir, is not a dormant China-they braved the billows, and bade defi- power, like that granted, but never exercised, "to ance to the tempests-they proved themselves fix the standard of weights and measures." It daring and intrepid, almost beyond example. has been often the object of legislative enactment. Shall I attempt a few sketches in the maritime It is one of the most weighty and important conhistory of these sons of liberty? They wield the cessions of power that that incomparable instruaxe better than any other people; they vanquishment confers. I conceive the authors of this the stately tenants of the forests, and subject the oak, and the pine, and the cedar, and the locust, to their power; they model and construct ships

Constitution to have been the lords of the soil, and the true representatives of the landed interest. They were not a convention of professed mer

JANUARY,

1812.

Naval Establishment.

H. OF R.

chants; but merely an assembly of gentlemen loss to the country, whether the underwriter or with commercial feelings. They have left one the assured shall be obliged to bear it. In either of the strongest proofs of this that was ever re- case, there is so much taken out of the country; corded, by prohibiting Congress from laying a there is so much minus in the great national acduty on exports. Thus that patriotic body, with count-and the process may be carried so far as a jealous vigilance and foresight, took care of the to be ruinous to both parties. I wish to steer my agriculture and the commerce of their country. course free and clear of such rocks and breakers Knowing the connexion between these two great as these. If the Treasury now contained but half branches of human enterprise, in nature and in the sum of the property burned, sequestered, defact, they would not sever them in practice nor tained, condemned, exacted for costs, charges and even in theory; and for the most valid reasons fees, and wrung from the owners under some foul that can be conceived. Agriculture has been de- pretext or other, we should possess more by half clared to be the mistress, and Commerce the hand-than is required to provide for the decent protecmaid. Yet the correctness of this may well be tion of our commerce. questioned. Their relation is of another kind; more consanguineous and more intimate. I should rather pronounce them to be sisters; that the sisters were of twin connexion; and that Agriculture had the advantage of Commerce only in the circumstance of being the elder-born. Away then with that political error which disjoins ties and affinities so intimate as these!

The Constitution also bestows upon us the power to build and employ a navy; intending, no doubt, thereby to afford a safeguard to that property and those persons who were embarked in commerce. It was perfectly plain that rapacity and violence had not deserted the earth; that unprotected wealth would tempt the hand of cupidity; and that the weak would occasionally in these days of refinement, as in the ruder times of yore, be made the prey of the strong. Letters of marque and reprisals were therefore authorized upon proper occasions; and rules concerning captures were intrusted to our legislative discretion. Fully possessed of all this knowledge and all this power, the people of the United States have been remarkably pacific; they have been more than pacific; they have acted under a persuasion that other nations would be equally pacific, at least towards them. Our citizens have entertained too good an opinion of mankind; and in consequence, they have fallen alone and helpless into the dens of thieves and sharpers. They have adventured with large sums of money in their purses, among pirates and ruffians, without pistols and side-arms of any sort to defend themselves. Like the feeble, good humored and forgiving, every where they have been kidnapped, and plundered in all quarters. The millions and hundreds of millions that have been thus unlawfully seized, would have ruined any people but our own. But a productive soil, worked by industrious hands, repairs losses with amazing quickness. From this source it is, that such immense depredations have not exhausted us entirely. The waste of plunder has been great; but the efforts of reproduction has been greater. It have been urged, sir, that the hazards of trade may be guarded against by insurance. By paying a premium adequate to the risk, an adventurer can secure the sum mentioned in his policy against individuals or companies who would make good his loss. This is indeed true; and such operations are of the highest importance to men of business. But in the eye of a statesman or a sovereign, it is equally a

We are told, nevertheless, that if the tracks of the ocean, in addition to their usual dangers, are so beset with enemies, it is best to keep out of harm's way by staying at home. This experiment has already been tried. An embargo of fourteen months was abandoned from a conviction of the impossibility of enforcing it. The people, it seemed, must and would trade. Many would adventure; no restraints could bind them. They proceeded to sea without the accustomed documents, and the courtesy of the British gave the runaways a favorable reception.

Our people, as I said before, are bred to commerce. They are devoted to navigation; barter and sale are their delight. The spirit of business warms them. Whether permitted or not, certain portions of them will go abroad in quest of better fortune. Nothing that I know, not despotism itself, will induce them to surrender their birthright, the privilege of ploughing the ocean for a market.

It is not now the question, whether our constituents shall be a commercial people or not. That die has long ago been cast. We are so: and the dispute which at present agitates us, is a nullity, if we do not intend to continue so. If I was to engage as Plato did, in framing a constitution for an ideal Republic, or after the manner of More, delineate the form of an Utopian government, Í do not affirm that I would exclude external commerce. But the visionary schemes of closet-politicians are not the matters upon which we are deliberating; ours is practical business. It is a decision of the course which it is wisest and best to take, under a constitution which recognises foreign trade, derives its principal pecuniary supplies from the exercise of that trade, and invests us, the legislative administrators of that constitution, with the presiding care over it.

The experience of ages has sufficiently proved that, if men expose their persons among barbarous strangers, they are liable, in a multitude of cases, to insult and captivity; and if they have treasure or merchandise in their possession, robbery and murder are but too often practised by the assailants. Does not the sheik who commands the caravan traversing the Arabian sands, know the danger of his undertaking? Is he forgetful that his camels, those "ships of the desert," with all their precious loading, pilgrims, hucksters, and all, will become the spoil of some freebooter, unless he shall be prepared to purchase a

the vessels they insure.

H. OF R.

Lastly, for I shall mention but one more of these contingencies, our seafaring brethren, when left too much to themselves and exposed to rapacious pirates, as well as to the boisterous elements, may conceive the project of combining and confederating the defensive efforts of the maritime cities, (as Hamburg, Lubec, and their allied towns did in the middle ages,) and of forming a new Hanseatic league in the Western hemisphere.

And really, sir, the mode proposed in the bill, of adding security both to our coasting and our foreign trade, is so plain and obvious, that it is difficult for me to conceive how, in the present demoralized and distracted state of the nation, protection can be granted in any other way.

abilities; and we are able to accomplish much, if | equipping convoys of their own for protecting we please. I would authorize our merchant ships, which, in my opinion, have already the right to arm in their own defence, to make prize of those who wrongfully attack them. If need required, I would, on an emergency, hire ships, and arm them in defence of the people's rights. I would grant commissions, to individuals who were inclined to cruise. I would make the most of the force which the gun vessels (I will not call them by their hackneyed name) afford; and I would add the succor which block-ships, fire-rafts, and torpedoes promise us. By these means a little fleet might be created which would more than protect your ports, harbors, and bays. It would cause your authority to be respected beyond the marine league from the shore. It would carry the honors of your flag to a natural and well de- With this view of our violated commerce, and fined boundary, the Gulf Stream, the space be- of the inconveniences resulting from such violatween which and the coast might be reckoned tion, I have a firm conviction that it is worthy of part of the national domain. I would not at- peculiar regard. But, protection requires expense, tempt, Mr, Chairman, the construction of a thou-and our citizens are believed to be averse to the sand ships, to contend gun for gun with our op- taxation and contribution necessary to defray that ponents. Nor, had I fifty vessels, would I send expense. I feel, indeed, it is a hard and ungratea challenge to the enemy to come with an equal ful task, to demand money from our constituents number, and array themselves for a pitched bat- for the purposes of the Treasury. But I feel also tle. No such gasconading and folly as that. My the strongest persuasion that they will consent to advice would be, so to use our vessels that, with the requisition when, they are satisfied it is made the least unnecessary exposure to damage and for their own benefit, and for asserting their escapture on our part, we should give as much an-sential rights and interests. I know not what noyance as possible to the foe. As the reason-other members may think on this subject; but, for ings of negotiation have been ineffectual, a more that section of the Union which I have the honor conclusive logic, and a more irresistible argument are required.

to represent, I have uniformly found them prompt and open-handed in works of charity, benevoI am not much addicted to prophesying, but I lence, and mercy. When liberality and public cannot refrain from conjecturing a few of the spirit are in request, it is not their custom to be consequences that may result from a torpid beha-wanting. And now, when under the pressure of viour on this occasion. Imagine, sir, a busy and commercial people acting without the patronage of their own Government. Certain results may be tolerably well foreseen.

The naval stores with which our country abounds may take their departure for foreign magazines and arsenals, and increase the strength of the nations to whom the latter belong, to do us the greatest harm.

The shipwrights and artists, whose business it is to rig and repair ships, may shoulder their tools and travel for jobs and wages to the navy yards beyond our limits.

Our native seamen may, peradventure, follow them; and through want of employ on the one part, and under bounties and tempting encouragements on the other, be induced to enlist them selves in an alien service.

The merchants of the United States may possibly be induced to purchase the licenses dispensed by the stronger Powers; and, under their cover, pursue an unmolested, a lucrative, but an abhorred commerce.

Owners of ships and vessels may be induced to arm more extensively than heretofore practised, in their own defence.

Companies of merchants and underwriters may find it expedient to lessen the chances of loss by

commercial embarrassment, and the menace of the most serious evils, they are asked to aid the finances of their country, I cannot permit myself, for one moment, to imagine they will grudge their ratable proportion. Be the sum, therefore, more or less, the cause, the noble cause of which I am the advocate, justifies the expenditure. The undertaking must not be abandoned by scanting the means. Our resources are amply competent. We will put our shoulders to the wheel, and do what we can. We have an unimpaired credit to make loans. We have public lands in store, which may be pledged for the fulfilment of our engagements. Above all, we possess more than mines of gold, in our industry and enterprise. And as the objects for which we contend are of the highdraw bills upon posterity for the amount of the est importance to our successors, I am willing to balance unpaid.

The means are easy, then. No doubt can be entertained of the bravery of our commanders and crews. The Spaniards, the Moors, the Greeks, and even the English were astonished to behold the officers and seamen of our Navy passing the Straits of Gibraltar on their passage from New York to Tripoli, in boats so low, so small, so illy adapted to cross the Atlantic. Such a mixture of discipline and intrepidity was a phenomenon, both in the history of that war, and of navigation.

Naval Estoblishment.

This voyage in boats, not vastly superior to batteaux, has an air so romantic, that it reminds one of the witches who were fabled to traverse the surface of the deep in egg shells.. Should there be in the nation a person who doubts, let him examine the pages of history, where are recorded the deeds of Rogers, Decatur, Truxtun, and Preble, in chastising the enemies of their country. And, allow me, Mr. Chairman, to direct his at tention to that sumptuous monument, erected by the officers of the Navy at this place, to immor--when commerce shall be restored, and a surplus talize Somers, Wadsworth, Israel, and their associates, for their gallant contempt of death.