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H. of R.

New Jersey Resolutions.

JANUARY, 1812.

his associates, and that an offer was made to the ments, overturned the ancient landmarks, and carGovernment to pay the public debt for permis- ried disorder and distress into almost every quarter of sion to sack it. It was too gross an act of in- the European world, the citizens of New Jersey have famy to assent to, and the adventurers obtained surveyed the destructive progress of this war of ambitheir end by other means. A famine and pesti- tion on the one side, and of mercantile monopoly on lence was substituted for the bayonet, and the the other, not only as men commiserating the sufferspoils of the devoted city glutted the hands of ra-ings of others, but with a view to the consequences on pine. In this exploit, a shoe-black divided his the safety and happiness of America. The anxious £200,000. Need I remind you, said Mr. R., that observe an impartial neutrality, in relation to the belsolicitude manifested by the General Government, to the population of Africa has been drained, to groan ligerent nations, has, at all times, met the decided apout a wretched existence in the West India colo- probation of the Government and citizens of New nies, to prop up this naval and commercial Power, Jersey. or that the remotest corners of every sea have been visited with the scourge of blood and desolation for the same purpose? On general principles, does not past experience afford sufficient warning to these States to avoid those shoals on which so many nations have been wrecked?

It was confidently hoped that this line of conduct would have secured to our country the complete observance of the acknowledged laws of civilized nations, or, at least, have protected the persons and property of our citizens from outrageous violence. It was, therefore, not without emotions of astonishment and indignation that they saw the two great belligerent European Powers set at defiance the public law of nations, by commencing a wanton, unprovoked attack upon the property and persons of our citizens on the high offered to an enlightened nation in the pretexts asseas. This indignation was increased by the insults signed as the causes of this violence. The danger and impolicy of waging war against all Europe at once Com-justified the course pursued by the General Government,

Mr. Chairman, under no view which I have been able to take of this subject, considering it either as the furtherance of a system of naval power, to be expanded with the growing strength of the Union to gigantic size, or that it is a proper time for providing a temporary increase of naval force, can I agree, said Mr. R., to the bill on your table.

When Mr. ROBERTS had concluded, the mittee rose, and had leave to sit again.

WEDNESDAY, January 22. Another member, to wit: WILLIAM M. RICHARDSON, from Massachusetts, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat. Mr. MORROW presented a petition of Dennis Clark, of the State of Ohio, praying further time to complete the payment for a tract of land purchased of the United States. Referred to the

Committee on the Public Lands.

NEW JERSEY RESOLUTIONS.

of remonstrance, negotiation, and commercial restrictions. It has now become a subject of some consolation, that one of the great belligerent nations has receded from her hostility, ceased to violate our neutral rights, made assurance of future amity, and the observance of the laws of nations, and thereby left America a single antagonist to contend with, one against whom she has already measured her strength.

In contemplating the evils inflicted on our country claim bringing into calculation the injuries suffered in by Great Britain, the Legislature of New Jersey disthe Revolutionary war; these having been magnanimously buried in the Treaty of 1783. Nor do they take into account the alleged instigation of the savages

The following Message was received from the to hostilities on our frontier settlements, the facts not PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

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LEGISLATURE OF NEW JERSEY,

House of Assembly, Jan. 13, 1812. Whereas, in cases of great national concern, involving, in their consequences, the interests, the rights, and the welfare, as well of the future as of the present generation, it cannot fail to be useful and acceptable to those intrusted with the National Government, to be made acquainted with the deliberate opinion of every portion of the Union, the members of the Legislature of New Jersey, at this momentous crisis in our national concerns, think it a duty incumbent on them publicly to express, as well the sense of the Legislature, as the known feelings and sentiments of the citizens of the State they represent.

In contemplating the convulsive struggles that have, within the last twenty years, broken up the Govern

being officially ascertained and declared. They leave out also the insult to the American flag, in the attack on the Chesapeake frigate, that having been amicably adjusted. Nor would they, at this time, think proper to complain of the refusal of Great Britain to accede to the desires of the civilized world, of ameliorating the evils of war, by adopting, as a rule, that free ships make free goods. Even if the controversy between the two countries arose solely out of the interruption of our carrying trade, although they consider that trade founded on a perfect, indisputable right, which ought never to be yielded by treaty, yet policy might suggest the propriety of sleeping over the injuries arising from the deprivation of the exercise of this right for a time.

But the two following causes of complaint, on which America and Great Britain are at issue, are of so unquestionable a nature as to leave no doubt or hesitation on the mind: First. The abominable practice of impressing native American seamen while in the pursuit of a lawful commerce, forcing them on board their ships of war, and compelling them, under the lash, to fight against nations with whom we are at peace, and even against their own country.

Second. The depredations committed on the legitimate commerce of America, it being now openly avowed by the British Government that an American

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built ship, owned by the citizens of the United States, navigated by native American seamen, laden with goods the growth and manufacture of the United States, not contraband of war, bound to a belligerent port, which is neither invested nor blockaded, is subject, by the orders of the British Government, to seizure and condemnation, both ship and cargo; the ruin of individuals, and the destruction of commerce, evidence the rigid execution of these orders.

This flagitious conduct of the rulers of Great Britain

needs no comment; it is too notorious to be denied, too palpable to be susceptible of explanation, and too atrocious for palliation or excuse. The answers to the reasonable remonstrances of our, Government have only added insults to injuries, by assuming positions at variance with reason, justice, and the public laws; in consequence of which further negotiation becomes idle and vain. It only remains for the constituted authorities of the Union to guide the destinies of a numerous, brave, and powerful nation, by marking out its future course; that, in doing this, they may rely with confidence on the support of New Jersey.

Be it resolved, by the Legislative Council and General Assembly of the State of New Jersey, That, at this important crisis in our national concerns, the Government of New Jersey entertain a full and perfect confidence in the wisdom and integrity of the President, the Senate, and House of Representatives of the United States of America, and hereby most solemnly assure the National Government that New Jersey will readily accord in any measures which it may, in its wisdom, think proper to adopt for the redress of national wrongs. That they cordially approve the re

commendation of the President of the United States to

H. OF R.

the Navy Committee, whether there was timber on hand sufficient for building the frigates proposed, besides what had been provided for building seventy-fours; because, if the Government had not seasoned timber on hand sufficient for the purpose, he should vote against building them, as he had no idea of building them out of green timber.

the gentleman from North Carolina, he could Mr. CHEVES said, in answer to the inquiry of only repeat what he had before stated, that the Government is not in possession at present of seasoned timber; and, from the lamentable neglect which had been shown to this establishment, it is not in the power of Government to procure timber of the best kind; but timber can be obtained of a quality superior to any of which the present frigates are built. There are certain large pieces, not to be found among the timber used for the building of merchant vessels, which will be wanting. There is timber sufficient on hand for building four seventy-four gun ships; and sufficient can be procured for the frigates, except the pieces which he had mentioned.

Mr. RHEA being willing that the vessels on hand should be repaired, he had voted for the nefond of water animals of the size described in the cessary sum for this purpose; but not being very second section of the bill, he moved to strike out that section, and would offer his reasons for doing so.

If the United States were authorized to build both Houses of Congress, admonishing them to put these frigates, they could not be done in time for the nation in armor. That, in case the Government the present emergency. And, if he understood of the United States shall eventually determine to re-the gentleman from South Carolina rightly, there sist, by force, the lawless aggressions committed by the is no seasoned timber on hand fit for building British nation on the persons and property of our citi- these frigates; and the United States had suffered zens, this Legislature, in behalf of themselves, and the sufficiently already by building the former frigates citizens of New Jersey, whose representatives they are, of unseasoned timber. Mr. R. did not wish to see pledge themselves to the nation to render to the Gen- the United States a great naval power, equal to eral Government all the aid, assistance, and support in any nation on earth. Indeed, he should be haptheir power, and will, with readiness, perform all the py to see all the armed ships of the world on fire. duties required of them in the prosecution of a war undertaken for the common defence and general wel- They have been uniformly destructive of commerce and human happiness. fare.

Resolved, That His Excellency, the Governor, be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing to the President of the United States, with a request that he would be pleased to communicate a copy to each

branch of the National Legislature.

Resolved, That His Excellency, the Governor, be also requested to transmit a copy to each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress.

NAVAL ESTABLISHMENT.

The House again went into a Committee of the Whole on the bill concerning the Navy. The question on filling up the blank in the section which provides for repairing the vessels on hand, with four hundred and eighty thousand dollars, was carried by a large majority.

The next section provides for the building of additional frigates.

Mr. CHEVES moved to fill the blank in the bill, designating the number, of frigates to be built, with the word ten.

Mr. BLACKLEDGE inquired of the chairman of

Mr. SMILIE was in favor of striking out this section of the bill. He ever had been, and he believed ever should be, against this country becoming a naval Power. If we embark in war,

we shall have occasion for all the resources we can raise, without expending our money on objects not immediately necessary; besides, the sum now asked for is only an entering wedge. When members wish to carry a favorite measure, they never ask for the whole sum wanted at once, but just as much as they think they can get; and the work being begun, it must hereafter be finished. It is true that our resources are considerable; but the Government cannot draw more from the people than they are willing to pay; and it will be found that the taxes will be sufficiently heavy without this navy..

Mr. CLAY (the Speaker) rose to present his views on the bill before the Committee. He said that as he did not precisely agree in opinion with any gentleman who had spoken, he should take the liberty of detaining the Committee a few mo

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ments while he offered to their attention some observations. He was highly gratified with the temper and ability with which the discussion had been hitherto conducted. It was honorable to the House, and, he trusted, would continue to be manifested on many future occasions.

On this interesting topic a diversity of opinion has existed almost ever since the adoption of the present Government. On the one hand there appeared to him to have been attempts made to precipitate the nation into all the evils of naval extravagince, which had been productive of so much mischief in other countries; and, on the other, strongly feeling this mischief, there has existed an unreasonable prejudice against providing such a competent naval protection for our commercial and maritime rights as is demanded by their importance, and as the increased sources of the country amply justify.

JANUARY, 1812.

ing, were finally destroyed. But have they shown, by a train of argument, that their overthrow was, in any degree, ascribable to their maritime greatness? Have they attempted even to show that there exists in the nature of this power a necessary tendency to destroy the nation using it? Assertion is substituted for argument; inferences not authorized by historical facts are arbitrarily drawn; things wholly unconnected with each other are associated together a very logical mode of reasoning! In the same way he could demonstrate how idle and absurd our attachments are to freedom itself. He might say, for example, that Greece and Rome had forms of free government, and that they no longer exist; and deducing their fall from their devotion to liberty, the conclusion in favor of despotism would very satre-isfactorily follow! He demanded what there is in the nature and construction of maritime power to excite the fears that have been indulged? Do gentlemen really apprehend that a body of seamen will abandon their proper element, and, placing themselves under an aspiring chief, will erect a throne to his ambition? Will they deign to listen to the voice of history, and learn how chimerical are their apprehensions?

The attention of Congress has been invited to this subject by the President in his Message delivered at the opening of the session. Indeed, had it been wholly neglected by the Chief Magistrate, from the critical situation of the country, and nature of the rights proposed to be vindicated, it must have pressed itself upon our attention. But, said Mr. C., the President, in his Message, observes: "Your attention will, of course, be 'drawn to such provisions on the subject of our 'naval force as may be required for the service C to which it is best adapted. I submit to Congress the seasonableness also of an authority to augment the stock of such materials as are im'perishable in their nature, or may not at once 'be attainable." The President, by this recommendation, clearly intimates an opinion that the naval force of this country is capable of producing some effect; and the propriety of laying up imperishable materials was no doubt suggested for the purpose of making additions to the navy, as convenience and exigencies might direct.

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It appeared to Mr. C. a little extraordinary that so much, as it seemed to him, unreasonable jealousy should exist against the Naval Establishment. If, said he, we look back to the period of the formation of the Constitution, it will be found that no such jealousy was then excited. In placing the physical force of the nation at the disposal of Congress, the Convention manifested much greater apprehension of abuse in the power given to raise armies than in that to provide a navy. In reference to the Navy, Congress is put under no restrictions; but with respect to the Army-that description of force which has been so often employed to subvert the liberties of mankind-they are subjected to limitations, designed to prevent the abuse of this dangerous power. But it was not his intention to detain the Committee by a discussion on the comparative utility and safety of these two kinds of force. He would, however, be indulged in saying, that he thought gentlemen had wholly failed in maintaining the position they had assumed, that the fall of maritime Powers was attributable to their navies. They have told you, indeed, that Carthage, Genoa, Venice, and other nations, had navies, and, notwithstand

Gen

But the source of alarm is in ourselves. tlemen fear that if we provide a marine it will produce collisions with foreign nations-plunge us into war, and ultimately overturn the Constitution of the country. Sir, if you wish to avoid foreign collision you had better abandon the ocean; surrender all your commerce; give up all your prosperity. It is the thing protected, not the instrument of protection, that involves you in war, Commerce engenders collision, collision war, and war, the argument supposes, leads to despotism. Would the counsels be deemed wise, of that statesman who should recommend that the nation should be unarmed-that the art of war, the martial spirit, and martial exercises, should be prohibited-and that the great body of the people should be taught that national happiness was to be found in perpetual peace alone? No, sir. And yet every argument in favor of a power of protection on land applies, in some degree, to a power of protection on the sea. Undoubtedly a commerce void of naval protection is more exposed to rapacity than a guarded commerce; and if we wish to invite the continuance of the old, or enaction of new unjust edicts, let us refrain from all exertion upon that element where they operate, and where, in the end, they must be resisted.

For his part, Mr. C. said, he did not allow himself to be alarmed by those apprehensions of maritime power which appeared to agitate other gentlemen. In the nature of our Government he beheld abundant security against abuse. He would be unwilling to tax the land to support the rights of the sea, and was for drawing from the sea itself the resources with which its violated freedom should at all times be vindicated. Whilst this principle is adhered to, there will be no danger of running into the folly and extravagance which so much alarms gentlemen; and whenever it is

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abandoned-whenever Congress shall lay burdensome taxes to augment the Navy beyond what may be authorized by the increased wealth, and demanded by the exigencies of the country, the people will interpose, and, removing their unworthy representatives, apply the appropriate corrective. Mr. C. could not, then, see any just ground of dread in the nature of naval power. It was, on the contrary, free from the evils attendant upon standing armies. And, the genius of our institutions-the great representative principle, in the practical enjoyment of which we are so eminently distinguished-afforded the best guarantee against the ambition and wasteful extravagance of Government.

What maritime strength is it expedient to provide for the United States? In considering this subject, three different degrees of naval power present themselves. In the first place, such a force as would be capable of contending with that which any other nation is able to bring on the ocean a force that, boldly scouring every sea, would challenge to combat the fleets of other Powers, however great. He admitted it was impossible at this time, perhaps it never would be desirable for this country to establish so extensive a Navy. Indeed, he should consider it as madness in the extreme in this Government to attempt to provide a Navy capable to cope with the fleets of Great Britain, wherever they might be

met.

H. OF R.

its immense resources, to command respect, and
to vindicate every essential right.
When we
consider our remoteness from Europe, the ex-
pense, difficulty, and perils, to which any squad-
ron would be exposed, stationed off our coasts, he
entertained no doubt that the force to which he
referred would insure the command of our own
seas.
Such a force would avail itself of our ex-
tensive seaboard and numerous harbors, every-
where affording asylums to which it could retire
for safety from a superior fleet, or from which it
could issue for the purpose of annoyance. To
the opinion of his colleague, (Mr. MCKEE,) who
appeared to think that it was in vain for us to
make any struggle on the ocean, he would oppose
the sentiments of his distinguished connexion, the
heroic Daviess, who fell in the battle of Tippe-
canoe.

[Here Mr. C. read certain parts of a work written by Colonel Daviess, in which the author attempts to show that, as the aggressions upon our commerce were not committed by fleets, but by single vessels, they could in the same manner be best retaliated; that a force of about twenty or thirty frigates would be capable of inflicting great injury on English commerce by picking up stragglers, cutting off convoys and seizing upon every moment of supineness; and that such a force, with our seaports and harbors well fortified, and aided by privateers, would be really formidable, and would annoy the British navy and commerce, as the French army was assailed in Egypt, the Persian army in Scythia, and the Roman army in Parthia.]

The next species of naval power to which he would advert is that, which, without adventuring into distant seas, and keeping generally in our own harbors, and on our coasts, would be compeThe third description of force worthy of content to beat off any squadron which might be at- sideration is, that which would be able to prevent tempted to be permanently stationed in our wa- any single vessel, of whatever metal, from enters. His friends from South Carolina (Messrs. dangering our whole coasting trade, blocking up CHEVES and LOWNDES) had satisfactorily shown our harbors, or laying under contribution our that, to effect this object, a force equivalent only cities; a force competent to punish the insolence to one-third of that which the maintenance of of the commander of any single ship, and to presuch squadron must require would be sufficient. serve in our own jurisdiction the inviolability of That if, for example, England should determine our peace and our laws. A force of this kind is to station permanently upon our coast a squadron entirely within the compass of our means at this of twelve ships-of-the-line, it would require for time. Is there a reflecting man in the nation this service thirty-six ships-of-the-line, one-third who would not charge Congress with a culpable in port repairing, one-third on the passage, and neglect of its duty, if, for the want of such a force, one third on the station. But that is a force a single ship were to bombard one of our cities? which it has been shown that even England, with Would not every honorable member of this Comher boasted Navy, could not spare for the Ameri- mittee inflict on himself the bitterest reproaches, can service whilst she is engaged in the present if, by failing to make an inconsiderable addition contest. Mr. C. said he was desirous of seeing to our little gallant Navy, a single British vessuch a force as he had described, that is, about sel should place New York under contribution? twelve ships-of-the-line and fifteen or twenty fri- Yes, sir, when the city is in flames, its wretched gates, provided for the United States; but, he inhabitants begin to repent of their neglect in not admitted that it was unattainable in the present providing engines and water buckets. If, said situation of the finances of the country. He con Mr. C., we are not able to meet the wolves of the tended, however, that it was such as Congress forest, shall we put up with the barking of every ought to set about providing, and he hoped, in petty fice that trips across our way? Because less than ten years, to see it actually established. we cannot guard against every possible danger, He was far from surveying the vast maritime shall we provide against none? He hoped not. power of Great Britain with the desponding eye He had hardly expected that the instructing but with which other gentlemen beheld it. He could humiliating lesson was so soon to be forgotten not allow himself to be discouraged at the pros- which was taught us in the murder of Pierce ; pect even of her thousand ships. This country the attack on the Chesapeake; and the insult ofOnly required resolution, and a proper exertion offered in the harbor of Charleston, which the brave

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old fellow that commanded the fort in vain endeavored to chastise.

JANUARY, 1812.

of the Atlantic frontier. While he felt the deepest solicitude for the safety of New York, and It was a rule with Mr. C., when acting either other cities on the coast, he would be pardoned in a public or private character, to attempt noth- by the Committee for referring to the interests of ing more than what there existed a prospect of that section of the Union from which he came. accomplishing. He was, therefore, not in favor If, said he, there be a point more than any other of entering into any mad projects on this subject; in the United States demanding the aid of naval but for deliberately and resolutely pursuing what protection, that point is the mouth of the Missishe believed to be within the power of Govern- sippi. What is the population of the Western ment. Gentlemen refer to the period of 1798, country, dependent upon this single outlet for its and we are reminded of the principles maintain- surplus productions? Kentucky, according to ed by the opposition at that time. He had no the last enumeration, has 406,511; Tennessee, doubt of the correctness of that opposition. The 261,727; and Ohio, 230,760. And, when the popnaval schemes of that day were premature, notulation of the western parts of Virginia and Pennwarranted by the resources of the country, and sylvania, and the territories which are drained by were contemplated for an unnecessary war into the Mississippi or its waters, is added, it will form which the nation was about to be plunged. He an aggregate equal to about one-fifth of the whole always admired and approved the zeal and abil- population of the United States, resting all their ity with which that opposition was conducted by commercial hopes upon this solitary vent! The the distinguished gentleman now at the head of bulky articles, of which their surplus productions the Treasury. But the state of things is totally consist, can be transported no other way. They altered. What was folly in 1798 may be wisdom will not bear the expense of a carriage up the now. At that time, we had a revenue only of Ohio and Tennessee, and across the mountains, about six millions. Our revenue now, upon a and the circuitous voyage of the Lakes is out of supposition that commerce is restored, is about the question. While most other States have the sixteen millions. The population of the country, option of numerous outlets, so that if one be closed too, is greatly increased nearly doubled-and the resort can be had to others; this vast population wealth of the nation is, perhaps, tripled. While has no alternative. Close the mouth of the Misour ability to construct a navy is thus enhanced, sissippi and their export trade is annihilated. He the necessity for maritime protection is propor- called the attention of his Western friends, espetionately augmented. Independent of the exten- cially his worthy Kentucky friends (from whom sion of our commerce, since the year 1798, we he felt himself with regret constrained to differ on have had an addition of more than five hundred this occasion) to the state of the public feeling in miles to our coast, from the bay of Perdido to the that quarter, while the navigation of the Missismouth of the Sabine-a weak and defenceless ac- sippi was withheld by Spain; and to the still cession, requiring, more than any other part of more recent period when the right of depot was our maritime frontier, the protecting arm of Gov- violated. The whole country was in commotion; and, at the nod of Government, would have fallen on Baton Rouge and New Orleans, and punished the treachery of a perfidious Government. Abandon all idea of protecting, by maritime force, the mouth of the Mississippi, and we shall have the recurrence of many similar scenes. We shall hold the inestimable right of the navigation of that river by the most precarious tenure. The whole commerce of the Mississippi-a commerce that is destined to be the richest that was ever borne by a single stream-is placed at the mercy of a single ship lying off the Balize!

ernment.

The groundless imputation, that those who were friendly to a navy were espousing a principle inimical to freedom, should not terrify him. He was not ashamed when in such company as the illustrious author of the "Notes on Virginia," whose opinions on the subject of a navy, contain ed in that work, contributed to the formation of his own. But the principle of a navy, Mr. C. contended, was no longer open to controversy. It was decided when Mr. Jefferson came into power. With all the prejudices against a navy, which are alleged by some to have been then brought into the Administration-with many honest prejudihe admitted the rash attempt was not made to destroy the establishment. It was reduced only to what was supposed to be within the financial capacity of the country. If, ten years ago, when all those prejudices were to be combatted, even in time of peace, it was deemed proper by the then Administration to retain in service ten frigates, he put it to the candor of gentlemen to say, if now, when we are on the eve of a war, and taking into view the actual growth of the country, and the acquisition of our coast on the Gulf of Mexico, we ought not to add to the Establishment?

ces,

Again: The convulsions of the new world, still more, perhaps, than those of Europe, challenge our attention. Whether the ancient dynasty of Spain is still to be upheld or subverted, it is extremely uncertain, if the bonds connecting the parent country with her colonies are not forever broken. What is to become of Cuba? Will it assert independence, or remain the province of some European Power? In either case the whole trade of the Western country, which must pass almost within gun-shot of the Moro Castle, is exposed to danger. It was not, however, of Cuba he was afraid. He wished her independent. But, suppose England gets possession of that valuable island? With Cuba on the south and Halifax Mr. C. said, he had hitherto alluded more par- on the north-and the consequent means of favorticularly to the exposed situation of certain partsing or annoying the commerce of particular sec

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