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in Great Britain and Ireland, member of the British Parliament, and his Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to his Most Christian Majesty: and on the part of his Most Christian Majesty, the count.de Vergennes, Minister and Secretary of State for the Department of Foreign Affairs, and Chief of the Royal Council of Finances; who, after having communicated to each other their respecStive full powers, have agreed upon the following articles.

Art. I. Their Majesties having stipuelated in the 6th Article of the said Treaty, "That the duties on hardware, cutlery, cabinet-ware, and turnery, and on all works, both heavy and light, of iron, steel, copper, and brass, shall be classed; and that the highest duty shall not exceed 10 per cent. ad valorem," it is agreed, that cabinet-ware and turnery, and every thing that is included under those denominations, as also musical instruments, shall pay 10 per cent. ad valorem.-All articles made of iron or steel, pure or mixed, or worked or mounted with other substances, not exceeding in value 60 livres Tournois, or 50 shillings per quintal, shall pay only 5 per cent. ad valorem; and all other wares, as buttons, buckles, knives, scissars, and all the different articles included under the description of hardware and cutlery, as also all other works of iron, steel, copper, and brass, pure or mixed, or worked or mounted with other substances, shall pay 10 per cent. ad valorem. -If either of the two sovereigns should think proper to admit the said articles, or only some of them, from any other nation, by reason of their utility, at a lower duty, the subjects of the other sovereign shall be allowed to participate in such diminution, in order that no foreign nation may enjoy in this respect any preference to their disadvantage.-The works of iron, steel, copper, and brass above-mentioned, are not to be understood to extend to bar iron or pig iron, or in general to any kind of iron, steel, copper, or brass, in the state of the raw material.

Art. 2. Their Majesties having also stipulated in the 6th article, "That for the better securing the due collection of the duties payable ad valorem, which are specified in the tariff, they will concert with each other the form of the declarations to be made, and the proper means of preventing fraud with respect to the real value of the goods and merchandizes," it is agreed that each declaration shall be

given in writing, signed by the merchant, owner, or factor, who answers for the merchandizes at their entry; which declaration shall contain an exact list of the said merchandizes, and of their packages, of the marks, numbers, and cyphers, and of the contents of each bale or case, and shall certify that they are of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the kingdom from whence they are imported, and shall also express the true and real value of the said merchandizes, in order that the duties may be paid in consequence thereof. That the officers of the custom-house where the declaration may be made, shall be at liberty to make such examination as they shall think proper of the said merchandizes, upon their being landed, not only for the purpose of verifying the facts alleged in the said declaration, that the merchandizes are of the produce of the country therein mentioned, and that the statement of their value and quantity is exact, but also for that of preventing the clandestine introduction of other merchandizes in the same bales or cases: provided nevertheless, that such examinations shall be made with every possible attention to the convenience of the traders, and to the preservation of the said merchandizes.

In case the officers of the customs should not be satisfied with the valuation made of the merchandizes in the said declaration, they shall be at liberty, with the consent of the principal officer of the customs at the port, or of such other officer as shall be appointed for that purpose, to take the said merchandizes according to the valuation made by the declaration, allowing to the merchant or owner an overplus of 10 per cent. and refunding to him the duties he may have paid for the said merchandizes. In which case, the whole amount shall be paid without delay, by the customhouse of the port, if the value of the effects in question shall not exceed 480 livres Tournois, or 201. sterling: and within fifteen days, at latest, if their value shall exceed that sum.-And if doubts should happen to arise, either respecting the value of the said merchandizes, or the country of which they are the produce, the officers of the customs at the port shall come to a determination thereupon, with all possible dispatch, and no greater space of time shall be employed for that purpose, in any case, than eight days, in the ports where the officers who have the principal direction of the customs reside, and fifteen days in any other port whatsoever.

It is supposed and understood, that the merchandizes admitted by the present treaty shall be respectively of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the dominions of the two sovereigns in Europe.

To oblige the traders to be accurate in the declarations required by the present article, as also to prevent any doubt that might arise on that part of the tenth article of the said treaty, which provides, that if any of the effects are omitted in the declaration delivered by the master of the ship, they shall not be liable to confiscation, unless there be a manifest appearance of fraud; it is understood that, in such case, the said effects shall be confiscated, unless satisfactory proof be given to the officers of the customs that there was not any intention of fraud.

shall not be construed to derogate from the privileges, regulations, and usages already established in the cities or ports of the respective dominions of the two Sovereigns and further, that the 25th Article of the said Treaty shall be construed to relate only to ships suspected of carrying, in time of war, to the enemies of either of the high contracting parties, any prohibited articles, denominated contraband; and the said Article is not to hinder the examinations of the officers of the customs, for the purpose of preventing illicit trade in the respective dominions.

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diately after the signature of the present Treaty, of which it should be deemed to constitute a part,' it is agreed that the said ulterior Convention shall be settled within the space of two months, and that, in the mean time, the consuls-general, consuls, and vice-consuls, shall conform to the usages which are now observed, relative to the consulship, in the respective dominions of the two Sovereigns; and that they shall enjoy all the privileges, rights, and immunities belonging to their office, and which are allowed to the consuls-general, consuls, and vice-consuls of the most favoured nation.

Art. 6. Their Majesties having stipulated, by the 43rd Article of the said Treaty, that the nature and extent of the functions of the consuls should be determined, and that a Convention relative Art. 3. In order to prevent the intro-to this point should be concluded immeduction of calicoes, manufactured in the East Indies, or in the other countries, as if they had been manufactured in the respective dominions of the two sovereigns in Europe, it is agreed, that the calicoes manufactured in the said dominions for exportation from one country to the other respectively, shall have at the two ends of each piece a particular mark, woven in the piece, to be settled in concert by the two governments, of which mark the respective governments shall give nine months previous notice to the manufacturers; and the said mark shall be altered from time to time, as the case may require. It is further agreed, that until the said precaution can be put in execution, the said calicoes mutually exported, shall be accompanied by a certificate of the officers of the customs, or of such other officer as shall be appointed for that purpose, declaring that they were fabricated in the country from whence they were exported, and also that they are furnished with the marks already prescribed in the respective countries, to distinguish such calicoes from those which come from other countries. Art. 4. In settling the duties upon cambrics and lawns, it is understood that the breadth should not exceed, for the cambrics, seven-eighths of a yard, English measure (about three quarters of an ell of France) and for the lawns, one yard and a quarter, English measure (one ell of France) and if any shall hereafter be made of a greater breadth than what is above-mentioned, they shall pay a duty of 10 per cent. ad valorem.

Art. 5. It is also agreed, that the stipulations in the 18th Article of the Treaty

Art. 7. It shall be lawful for the subjects of his Britannic Majesty to prosecute their debtors in France, for the recovery of debts contracted in the dominions of his said Majesty, or elsewhere, in Europe, and there to bring actions against them, in conformity to the practice of law in use in the kingdom: provided that there shall be the like usage in favour of French subjects, in the European dominions of his Britannic Majesty.

Art. 8. The Articles of the present Convention shall be ratified and confirmed by his Britannic Majesty, and by his Most Christian Majesty, in one month, or sooner, if it can be done, after the exchange of signatures between the plenipotentiaries.

In witness whereof, we the ministers plenipotentiary have signed the present Convention, and have caused the seals of our arms to be set thereto. Done at Versailles, the 15th of January, 1787. W. EDEN, (L. S.)

GRAVIER DE VERGENNES, (L. S.)

Debate in the Commons on the Articles | itself into a Committee of the whole against Mr. Hastings-Oude Charge.] House, Mr. St. John in the chair, on the Feb. 1. On the order of the day being fourth charge against Mr. Hastings, viz. read, for the House to resolve itself into a the resumption of the Jaghires and the Committee of the whole House, to con- confiscation of the treasures of the prinsider further of the several articles of cesses of Oude, charge against Warren Hastings, esq., the House resolved itself into the said Committee, and Mr. St. Andrew St. John having taken his seat as chairman, Nathaniel Middleton, esq. was called, and underwent an examination of two hours continuance by Mr. Sheridan, touching his knowledge of Mr. Hastings's conduct towards the Begums of Oude; after which Mr. Dundas rose to put a few questions to the witness, in order to obtain an explanation of certain sentences of a letter written by Mr. Middleton, from Benares, to Mr. Hastings, on the 26th of December, 1781; but Mr. Middleton in the course of his answers declaring, that if he had an opportunity of referring to his. correspondence to refresh his memory he should be able to answer with greater certainty, he was ordered to withdraw, and a conversation took place in consequence of a proposition made by Mr. Dundas, for the chairman to report progress, and when the House was resumed, to make an order for Mr. Middleton's attendance to-morrow, by which time he might be better prepared to answer. The proposition was agreed to, and Sir Elijah Impey was ordered to attend at the same

time.

Feb. 2. The House having again resolved itself into the Committee, Mr. Middleton was called in, and underwent a long examination. After the examination had proceeded for some hours, Mr. Pitt expressed his apprehensions that it would be impossible for the evidence to be printed soon enough for the copies to be distributed in time on Monday for the members to have them, so as to enable them to become masters of its tendency, and apply it to the charge, if the charge were that day debated. He, therefore, called on Mr. Sheridan to say whether he would bring forward the charge on Monday under such circumstances, or defer it to a period a little more distant. Mr. Sheridan agreed to postpone his motion to the 7th instant. The committee then proceeded to the examination of Sir Elijah Impey.

Mr. Dempster begged leave, as a preliminary to this important debate, to acquaint the House, that sir Elijah Impey, having fully and coolly revolved in his mind the nature and scope of his former evidence, and assisted his researches by the most accurate examination of his papers, had discovered, that the answers which he gave to some of the questions put to him, during the course of a preceding evening, were less explicit and decisive than he desired to make them, and of course, did not include all that ought to have been submitted to parliamentary consideration; he therefore earnestly wished to embrace an opportunity of setting his evidence to rights; and for that purpose, as well as to save the time of the committee, he had written the explanation which he was desirous of giving upon that paper, that it might be read to the committee. Mr. Dempster then read the paper, the general tendency of which was to authenticate the depositions taken by sir Elijah at Lucknow, by declaring that the translator had been sworn, and had deposed that the translation was authentic and correct.

Mr. Francis said, that the explanation did not strike him as being, in all respects, satisfactory; nor, indeed, could he discover how it was possible to put the House into a properly formal possession of the paper which had been just read, unless sir Elijah were called to the bar for the purpose of undergoing another examination.

Mr. Pitt contended, that a vivá você statement was indispensably requisite. The delivery of this would surely consume but little time; and, therefore, why might not the evidence be called immediately? [Sir Elijah was inquired for, but could not be found.]

Mr. Sheridan now rose, and, during the space of five hours and forty minutes, commanded the attention and admiration of the House, by an oration of almost unexampled excellence, uniting the most convincing closeness and accuracy of argument, with the most luminous precision and perspicuity of language; and alternately giving force and energy to truth by solid and substantial reasoning, and Feb. 7. The House having resolved enlightening the most extensive and in[VOL. XXVI.]

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[276 volved subjects with the purest clearness the fourth article in the general charge of of logic, and the brightest splendour of a right hon. member (Mr. Burke). But rhetoric. Every prejudice, every pre- even this was far beneath his notice. The possession was gradually overcome by the rectitude and the strength of his cause force of this extraordinary combination of were not to be prejudiced by such pitiful keen but liberal discrimination; of bril- expedients; nor should he waste a mo. liant yet argumentative wit. It will be a ment in counteracting measures, which, permanent record of Mr. Sheridan's un- though insidious, were proportionately rivalled abilities, that, on this trying occa- frivolous and unavailing. Nor would he sion, which, of all others, had divided not take up the time of the committee with only the House of Commons, but the any general arguments to prove, that the nation at large into a variety of parties, subject of the charge which it fell to his this memorable speech produced almost lot to bring forward, was of great moment universal union. It is utterly impossible and magnitude. The attention which to attempt more than an outline of this Parliament had paid to the affairs of India, unprecedented exertion of talents and for many sessions past, the voluminous judgment. We have endeavoured to pre-productions of their committees on that pare a faithful miniature of an unequalled original.

Mr. Sheridan commenced his speech by observing, that had it been possible to have received, without a violation of the established rules of Parliament, the paper which the hon. member (Mr. Dempster) had just now read, he should willingly have receded from any forms of the House, for the purpose of obtaining new lights and farther illustration on the important subject then before them; not, indeed, that, on the present occasion, he found himself so ill prepared, as merely, for this reason, to be prevented from proceeding to the discharge of his duty; neither, to speak freely, was he inclined to consider any explanatory additions to the evidence of sir Elijah Impey so much framed to elucidate, as to perplex and contradict. Needless to his present purpose was it for him to require sir Elijah, legally to recognize what had been read, in his name, by the hon. gentleman. In fact, neither the informality of any subsisting evidence, nor the adducement of any new explanations from sir Elijah Impey, could make the slightest impression upon the vast and strong body of proof which he should now bring forward against Warren Hastings. Yet, if any motive could have so far operated upon him, as to make him industriously seek for renewed opportunities of questioning sir Elijah, it would result from his fresh and indignant recollection of the low and artful stratagem of delivering to the members, and others, in this last period of parliamentary inquiry, printed hand-bills of defence, the contents of which bespoke a presumptuous and empty boast of completely refuting all which, at any time, had, or even could be advanced against Mr. Hastings, on the subject of

subject, the various proceedings in that House respecting it, their own strong and pointed resolutions, the repeated recommendation of his Majesty, and their reiterated assurances of paying due regard to those recommendations, as well as various acts of the legislature, were all of them undeniable proofs of the moment and magnitude of the consideration, and incontrovertibly established this plain, broad fact, that Parliament directly acknowledged that the British name and character had been dishonoured and rendered detested throughout India, by the malversation and crimes of the principal servant of the East India Company. That fact having been established beyond all question by themselves, and by their own acts, there needed no argument, on his part, to induce the committee to see the importance of the subject about to be discussed upon that day, in a more striking point of view than they themselves had held it up to public observation. There were, he knew, persons without doors who affected to ridicule the idea of prosecuting Mr. Hastings, and who not inconsistently redoubled their exertions, in proportion as the prosecution became more serious, to increase their sarcasms upon the subject, by asserting that Parliament might be more usefully employed; that there were matters of more immediate moment to engage their attention; that a commercial treaty with France had just been concluded, and that it was an object of a vast and comprehensive nature, and of itself sufficient to engross their attention. To all this he would oppose these questions. Was Parliament misspending its time, by inquiring into the oppressions practised on millions of unfortunate persons in India, and endeavouring to bring

the daring delinquent, who had been guilty of the most flagrant acts of enormous tyranny and rapacious peculation, to exemplary and condign punishment? Was it a misuse of their functions to be diligent in attempting, by the most effectual means, to wipe off the disgrace affixed to the British name in India, and to rescue the national character from lasting infamy? Surely no man who felt either for the one or the other would think a business of greater moment or magnitude could occupy his attention, or that the House could with too much steadiness, too ardent a zeal, or too industrious a perseverance, pursue its object. Their conduct in this respect, during the course of the preceding year, had done them immortal honour, and proved to all the world, that however degenerate an example of Englishmen some of the British subjects had exhibited in India, the people of England collectively, speaking and acting by their representatives, felt, as men should feel on such an occasion, that they were anxious to do justice, by redressing injuries, and punishing offenders, however high their rank, however elevated their station.

Their indefatigable exertions in committees appointed to inquire concerning the affairs of India, their numerous, elaborate, and clear reports, their long and interesting debates, their solemn addresses to the throne, their rigorous legislative acts, their marked detestation of that novel and base sophism in the principles of judicial inquiry, (constantly the language of the governor-general's servile dependents!) that crimes might be compounded, that the guilt of Mr. Hastings was to be balanced by his successes, that fortunate events were a full and complete set-off against a system of oppression, corruption, breach of faith, peculation, and treachery; and finally, their solemn and aweful judgment that, in the case of Benares, Mr. Hastings's conduct was a proper object of parliamentary impeachment, had covered them with applause, and brought them forward in the face of all the world, as the objects of perpetual admiration. Not less unquestionably just than highly virtuous was the assertion of the Commons of Great Britain, that there were acts which no political necessity could warrant, and that amidst flagrancies of such an inexpiable description, was the treatment of Cheit Sing. To use the well-founded and emphatic language of a right hon. gentleman

(Mr. Pitt) the committee had discovered in the administration of Mr. Hastings, proceedings of strong injustice, of grinding oppression and unprovoked severity. In this decision the committee had also vindicated the character of his right hon. friend, (Mr. Burke) from the slanderous tongue of ignorance and perversion. They had, by their vote on that question, declared, that the man who brought the charges was no false accuser; that he was not moved by envy, by malice, nor by any unworthy motives to blacken a spotless name; but that he was the indefatigable, persevering, and, at length, successful champion of oppressed multitudes, against their tyrannical oppressor. With sound justice, with manly firmness, with unshaken integrity, had his right hon. friend upon all occasions resisted the timid policy of mere remedial acts-even the high opinion of Mr. Hastings's successor, even the admitted worth of lord Cornwallis's character, had been deemed by his right hon. friend, an inadequate atonement to India for the injuries so heavily inflicted on that devoted country. Animated with the same zeal, the committee had, by that memorable vote, given a solemn pledge of their farther intentions. They had audibly said to India: "You shall no longer be seduced into temporary acquiescence, by sending out a titled governor, or a set of vapouring resolutions: it is not with stars, and ribbands, and all the badges of regal favour, that we atone to you for past delinquencies. No: you shall have the solid consolation of seeing an end to your grievances, by an example of punishment for those that have already taken place." The House had set up a beacon, which, while it served to guide their own way, would also make their motions more conspicuous to the world which surrounded and beheld them. He had no doubt but in their manly determination, to go through the whole of the business with the same steadiness which gave such sterling brilliancy of character to their outset, they might challenge the world, to observe and judge of them by the result.

Impossible was it for such men to become improperly influenced by a paper, bearing the signature of " Warren Hastings," and put not many minutes before into their hands, as well as his own, on their entrance into the House. This insidious paper he felt himself at liberty to consider as a second defence, and a second answer to the charge he was about to

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