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parent, as one who lives an openly profligate | those who live in sin, and are lovers of the life. I believe it impossible for any one to world, are indeed the bitterest enemies of commit an open crime, or leave undone a their God-enemies to that Being who shed known duty, without indirectly causing an for them his spotless blood, that he might injury to a fellow creature. Suppose, for in- redeem them from all iniquity, and purify to stance, any one habitually violates the fourth himself a peculiar people zealous of good commandment. He will be pitied and censured works. O, my brethren, what a glorious by a few Christians for so doing, but many of work it is for you to be called to work in his neighbours will secretly, in their own the vineyard of your Lord! What a high hearts, urge his example as an excuse for their and noble privilege! Say not, no man hath own neglect, and especially if he is a person hired us; God calls you now-"Go work above the lower ranks of society; for the to-day in my vineyard," and he who calls higher a person's station in life, the greater will also give you power to perform. You is his responsibility in the sight of God, al- may each be the blessed means, in the hands though the poorest is not exempt from this of God, of turning a fellow-creature from reponsibility. the broad to the narrow road-of leading him But the words of our text refer to some- from the borders of hell to the foot of the thing much more than the prohibition of cross-from despair and misery to joy and setting an evil example; they call upon us peace; God may crown your endeavours so most particularly to let our light shine before that the heavenly host will have cause to remen, and it is this to which I would particu-joice at the conversion of a sinner. A little larly direct your thoughts. You must not rest contented with the feeling that you have done no harm to any because you have not robbed them of their property, nor injured their persons: you may have injured them of that which all their property could never purchase, if you have not endeavoured to the utmost of your power to promote their spiritual interests. It is a false idea to suppose that the appointed minister of Christ is alone the person who can forward, or who ought to care about others' welfare. You, brethren, individually, must feel--if Christians, you will feel-an earnest desire to promote God's glory and honour. You are to be labourers in his vineyard, by letting your gospel light attract the multitude to the far brighter beams of divine mercy, and by pointing out to them the road which leads to glory and to peace. If you are Christians in heart, the glory of your Redeemer will be your end and intent; this will be the axis upon which your good conversation will turn and move continually.

Try yourselves, brethren, by this test are any of you content with being innocent of what you call great crimes, of being moral and respectable? Are you strangers to that love which seeks the welfare of others' souls, which thirsts and pants for the extension of your Saviour's kingdom? Then be assured, you are still strangers to the spirit of religion, and you are deeply responsible to your God for having withheld the gospel lamp, which you profess to have burning, from the sight of those who are in darkness and in the shadow of death.

And what can be said of those, who not only do nothing to promote God's glory, but everything to advance the kingdom of Satan, and are active agents in the cause of sin? Yes;

leaven leaveneth the whole lump. One pious person nay, a pious child has ofttimes brought a blessing to a family. The Holy Spirit has said, for your comfort and encouragement-" He that turneth a sinner from the error of his ways, shall save a soul alive, and hide a multitude of sins."

LECTURES ON THE HISTORY OF THE
CHRISTIAN CHURCH.

BY THE REV. RICHARD BURGESS, B. D.
Rector of Upper Chelsea.

II.

The unchanging spirit of persecution-Hadrian and his times of Christian writers-Extensive propagation of the gospel during the second century-Elia built on the site of Jerusalem-Ha

written attacks upon Christianity and the first "Apologies"

drian's idolatry and death-The age of the Antonines-Justin

Martyr Peace in the churches-Hegesippus--M. Aurelius-
Martyrdom of Polycarp-Varied form of persecution.

THE disposition to oppose the progress of God's truth

as it is revealed in Christ Jesus, seems to be inherent in human nature. The manner in which it shows itself will much depend on the outward restraints which a community imposes upon the enemies of the cross, but the disposition will always be found lurking in an unconverted heart, beneath the most chastened exterior. In the primitive age the persecutions and trials the church had to endure were of a rude description, but if we suppose that the spirit of the world, which in that comparatively barbarous age prompted these outrages, has now ceased, because it has assumed a milder and less hideous form, we are

mistaken; "for as he that was born after the flesh, persecuted him that was born after the Spirit, even so it is now," and will so continue to the end of all things. The kind of persecution is we know regulated by the state of society, and often by the temporal power, but that spirit which would oppose itself both inwardly feeling of resentment against those, who by their lives and outwardly to righteousness and true holiness, that

and conversation condemn the unrighteousness of the world, is ever working, for it is, as it were, its business to work, in the children of disobedience. The holyminded Christian will however always have something to call to remembrance as a pledge of God's favour and support. Seldom do we meet with a trial which,

although apparently greater, does not contain some- was made by Celsus, an Epicurean philosopher. His thing less bitter than the preceding, so that we may book was arrogantly entitled "The Word of Truth." call to remembrance, with no little advantage, the for- The work has not survived the wreck of ages; but it mer times of greater affliction. The Hebrew Christians was replied to by Origen, of Alexandria, in the middle to whom St. Paul wrote, were then in danger of falling of the third century; and, from his reply, we are eninto trouble, and their separation from the stock of abled to collect the substance of the philosopher's Abraham, exposed them still to many evils; but this argument. It is remarkable to trace the resemblance was nothing to what they had endured, for they had between those and other treatises subsequently made been a gazing-stock by reproaches and affliction, and with the same view. After inveighing against the Jews where they had escaped such indignities themselves, as the authors of Christianity, he introduces a person, they had been along with those who were subject to in the character of a Jew, disputing against the gospel. like treatment. The spoiling of their goods they took He had fancied, as it appears, that it was possible to joyfully; the fight of afflictions they patiently endured, effect by sarcasm and invective, what the magistrates and this because they could look to that heavenly in- could not do by torture and the sword, and therefore heritance where the good are for ever in peace, and he ridicules the doctrines of the Christians, speaks of tribulation no more can enter. But in perusing the the various sects by confounding false Christians with history of the Christian Church in its conflicts with true believers, and declares that they had nothing in the world, we shall find that if the heathen ceased for common amongst them as a rule of faith except the a while to furiously rage together, the spirit of that name of Christians. This systematic attack upon the rage ceased not, and we shall be surprised to find how faith of the gospel might have fallen into the hands of very little the difference is between the persecution of Hadrian; but it appears to have called forth at the the early and the later times, whenever the true mem- same time the energies of the Christian writers. When bers of Christ's Church were the objects of its fury. Hadrian arrived at Athens the second time, in the There is, however, this advantage to us who live in year 124, he was presented with a defence of Christi these latter days, that whenever evil in the form of anity by Quadratus, who appears at that time to have persecution assail us, or any of those things which we been bishop of the church, the successor of Publius, consider sacred, we can always recall to our minds the who had succeeded Dionysius the Areopagite. This examples of former days, wherein those who acknow- was the first of those defences, called, in Greek, Apololedged the same Saviour, and were influenced by the gies, a word which, from its equivocal meaning in our same spirit, triumphed over greater ills than ours; and language, has been not aptly applied to similar prothis may serve as one of the great practical ends in ductions of our own time. Only one passage of this recounting the principal events which happened to the apology of Quadratus is preserved, and it is with reChristians of the second century. ference to the real miracles of Christ as contrasted with the tricks of impostors. "The works of our Saviour," says the third bishop of Athens, were always conspicuous, for they were real. Both they that were healed, and they that were raised from the dead, were seen not only when they were healed or raised, but for a long time afterwards; not only whilst he dwelled on earth, but also after his departure, and for a good while after it, insomuch that some of them have reached to our times." St. Jerome supposes, from this latter sentence, that Quadratus saw several of those persons who had been the subjects of our Saviour's miracles.

We have already seen how the emperor Trajan modified, by his rescript to the governor of Bithynia, the proceed- | ings against the Christians, at the same time we remarked that no one could boldly confess Christ before men without the danger of prison and of death. Meanwhile the knowledge of salvation through Christ, became more generally diffused, and he that dwelleth on high laughed to scorn the vain efforts of the heathen to stop the progress of his truth. Trajan died in the 20th year of his reign, and was succeeded by Elius Hadrian in the year 117. The new emperor was at Antioch when his predecessor died, and he had attended him in his last and unsuccessful campaigns in the countries about the Euphrates. The biographers of Hadrian represent him as a zealous adherent to the religion of his country, adorned by many virtues, and disgraced by great vices; of a character very varions and inconstant, but by no means inclined to cruelty. On his arrival at Rome, it is supposed that some Christians suffered, although he published no new edicts against them; his zeal for paganism may have chiefly given rise to this supposition. In the year 119, he set out upon his travels, and visited Syria, Antioch, and Phoenicia until he came to Judea. The unsettled state of the Jews had probably directed his steps to that part of his dominions. We are informed by Eusebius that Serenius Granianus the proconsul of Asia, represented, in a letter to Hadrian, the great injustice of putting the Christians to death only to gratify the clamours of the people, without trial and without any crime proved against them, and that Hadrian, in answer to that letter, wrote, that no man should be put to death without a judicial process, and a legal trial. But before proceeding to give the emperor's answer, which has fortunately come down to us, I will mention some other circumstances which probably conspired to draw it forth. The Christians hitherto seem to have suffered chiefly from the clamours and ebullitions of popular fury; but in the reign of Hadrian a new form of attack, more resembling those of modern times, appeared against their principles. Some of the learned Pagans began to write against Christianity with all the bitterness of modern Deism. The most celebrated of those attacks

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There was also at Athens about this time a philosopher, called Aristides, who had embraced Christianity, and he, we know, presented a second apology to the emperor, the contents of which we are ignorant of, But these circumstances show that Christianity was now beginning to assume a more authoritative form ; and its ministers who had the ability, adapted, as we see, their mode of defence to the exigency of the times; and, whenever a Celsus appears to speak against the truth, we trust there will always be a Quadratus and an Aristides to defend it. Nor shall the defence be considered the worse if a bishop and a philosopher join hand in hand to vindicate the ways of God to man.

In consequence of the letter of Serenius, the proconsul, and the apologies of the Christians at Athens, we find the emperor writing to Minutius Fundanus, the new proconsul of Asia, in the following terms :"I have received a letter from Serenius Granianus, whom you have succeeded. It seems to me that this is an affair which ought not to be passed over without being examined into, if it were only to prevent disturbance being given to people, and that room may not be left for informers to practise their wicked arts. If, therefore, the people of the province will appear publicly, and in a legal way charge the Christians that they may answer for themselves in court, let them take that course, and not proceed by importunate demands and loud clamours only; for it is much the best method, if any bring accusations, that you should take cognizance of them. If, then, any one shall accuse and make out any thing

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contrary to the laws, do you determine according to ferent times. This man and his followers attempted the nature of the crime; but if the charge be only a to seduce the Christians of Judea to join them in their calumny, do you take care to punish the author of it rebellion; but, mindful of the precepts which enjoin with the severity it deserves." We see no advantage | obedience to constituted authority, they refused to that the Christians could gain from this edict which join the standard of Barchochebas, and this brought they did not already possess from Trajan's rescript to upon them great afflictions from the revolted Jews. I Pliny. The intention of Hadrian was not to absolve need not recount the particulars of this war: it ended in the professors of Christianity from punishment, but the total and final ruin of Jerusalem; of that Jerusalem only that they should be punished in the due course which had risen again upon the site of the city deof trial. This, however, would be gained, informers stroyed by Titus, and which now contained a great would become more cautious how they preferred their number of Christians as well as Jews. Henceforth charges, for fear of the punishment falling upon them- the children of Israel were forbid to approach the selves. place of Zion. The city which Hadrian rebuilt was called after one of his names, Elia; and, over the gate which looked towards Bethlehem, he placed the image of a sow. He extended his hatred to the Christians, and showed his contempt of their religion, by erecting a statue of Jupiter over the place of Christ's resurrection. He put an image of Venus upon the mount Calvary; and in Bethlehem, where he understood Christ was born, he planted a grove sacred to Adonis. Up to this period there had been fifteen bishops of Jerusalem, who are said to have all received the Jewish rite of circumcision. The Church at Jerusalem had no doubt mingled the Jewish ceremonies with the doctrines of Christ; and ecclesiastical writers say, that the church at Elia was afterwards composed entirely of Gentiles. The first Gentile bishop was Mark.

The feelings with which this emperor viewed the Christians is still further shown in a letter which he addressed to Servianus, his brother-in-law, who was consul in 134. It is preserved in Vopiscus, not a Christian writer, but one of the authors of the Augustan history, who flourished about the year 300. It was written by Hadrian from Syria, after he had been some time in Egypt. Vopiscus, having occasion to mention the character of the Egyptians, produces this letter as an authority for his own opinion, and it is as follows: " Adrian Augustus to the Consul Servianus. I have found Egypt, which you commended to me, all over fickle and inconstant, and continually shaken by the slightest reports of fame. The worshippers of Serapis are Christians, and they are devoted to Serapis, who call themselves Christ's bishops. There is no ruler of the Jewish Synagogue, no Samaritan, no presbyter of the Christians. Even the patriarch, if he should come to Egypt, would be required by some to worship Serapis, by others Christ, a seditions and turbulent sort of men. However, the city is rich and populous. Nor are any idle; some are employed in making glass, others paper, others in weaving linen, &c. The Christians here share in the emperor's ridicule, and are represented like the other Egyptians; and although he must have had many opportunities of correcting his erroneous opinion, if, indeed, the error were not wilful, still we find his heart closed against the influence of truth, and his day of salvation allowed to pass away.

It is not, however, a little remarkable that we should be able to gather from this emperor's authentic writings the continued rapid spread of Christianity. The Christians were evidently numerous in Alexandria, and other parts of Egypt. Christ's bishops were already become as considerable as the priests of Serapis. From his letter to the proconsul of Asia, we equally learn the prevalence of the gospel in that country. The apologies of Quadratus and his ally speak for the country of Greece; and we shall shortly see that the truth equally prevailed in the land of Judea. It is, therefore, most evident, from this collateral testimony alone, that the gospel flew over the regions of the East not less rapidly in the second than in the first century; and, as there was no aid from the civil power, but rather the contrary, we may offer this as a proof of the divine origin of Christianity, and of the mighty influence which it contains in itself; we may offer it as an encouragement to all who are anxious for the propagation of God's truth among the nations that yet are in darkness; and we may be confident of this very thing, that when it shall please the Lord to give the word, great will be again the company of the preachers; and it will not be because the civil power refuses to co-operate, that the gospel of Christ will lose a particle of its energy, so long as men have need of peace and consolation.

The reign of Hadrian is further distinguished by a rebellion of the Jews in Palestine. This insurrection was headed by one Barchochebas, a name which signifies the Son of the Star. He pretended to be the star of Jacob, foretold in the Hebrew prophets; but he was indeed one of the false Christs which our Lord forewarned the Jews should arise among them at dif

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We have a right to suppose that the Jewish impostor was raised up for the purpose of purifying the church of God in Judea. We never hear afterwards of any Jewish rites being practised on the site of Jerusalem. I have said that Hadrian is not represented as being inclined to cruelty; but there is an instance on record which would prove that his hatred of the Christians could show itself in more than words. In the course of his extensive travels, which seem to have been undertaken chiefly from motives of curiosity, he collected a vast number of objects of art, with which he adorned his magnificent villa in the neighbourhood of Tibur. He finally returned to Rome in the year 135; and his first care seems to have been to dedicate his villa with all the ceremonies of pagan worship. On this occasion a widow, named Symphowhose husband, Getulius, had suffered for the cause of Christ, was accused with her seven sons (by the stratagems of the priests, as it would appear), of not sacrificing to the gods which the emperor honoured. Being arrested by order of Hadrian, she was exhorted to worship the pagan deities, otherwise she was threatened with being made herself a sacrifice to appease their anger. Symphorosa recalled to mind the glorious testimony of her husband, and desired to tread in his steps. "For Christ's sake, believe not," she said (to the emperor threatening the punishment of the flaines), "that this can make me change my purpose." Being led to the temple of Hercules, she was there put to death. The next day her seven sons shared the same fate; and by the emperor's order, their bodies were thrown into a pit, in a place which was afterwards called (as Tertullian informs us), the place of violence. They were afterwards buried on the road to Tivoli, eight miles distant from Rome; and some remains of a church, in a place called the Seven Brothers, were existing up to the last century. The testimony upon which this account rests is of that nature which I consider sufficient; but I will take this opportunity of remarking that many narratives of this kind are supported by no better authority than a collection of records called the "Acts of the Martyrs." I say not that these are all spurious documents, but not authentic enough of themselves to induce me to trouble my readers with the things they contain. Where they receive support from other authors, living at no great distance of time from the events related, they become fair evidence in a subject of this nature; and such are the records called the "Genuine Acts of

the Martyrs." The account of Symphorosa and her seven sons rests upon this superior species of testimony.

After a reign of twenty-one years the emperor Hadrian died in the year 138. Upon the whole, it cannot be said that he was a persecutor of the churches of Christ, and his public acts rather tended to soften the proceedings instituted in the provinces against the Christians.

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The reign of Hadrian was succeeded by the golden age of the Antonines," whose united reigns," according to the opinion of a celebrated historian, "is possibly the only period of history in which the happiness of a great people was the sole object of government." This period extended through forty years, of which the reign of Antonine the Pious occupied twenty-three; a reign," observes the same historian, "marked by the rare advantage of furnishing very few materials for history, which is indeed little more than the register of the crimes, follies, and misfortunes of mankind." "It is agreed by all," says Xiphilin, "that Antoninus was a good and mild prince, who was oppressive neither to any of his subjects nor to the Christians, whom he protected and favoured even beyond what had been done by Hadrian." But, although the emperor must be honourably acquitted of doing any injury to the churches of Christ, the spirit of persecution in some of the more distant provinces was not yet allayed, and we now find the Christians subjected to a new kind of accusation. Many of the philosophers, writing in defence of paganism, which now began to wane, accused the followers of Christ of atheism and impiety. These charges called forth, on the part of the Christian pastors, several of those addresses called apologies, of which those of Justin Martyr are the most celebrated.

Justin was born of Gentile parents, and was a native of Flavia Neapolis, the ancient Sichem, in Samaria. In the earlier part of his life he had attached himself to the various schools of philosophy; but without finding satisfaction in any. His conversion to Christianity was effected by seeing the constancy with which the Christians endured torture; and it is dated in the year 133. His first apology was presented to the emperor in the year 148, in behalf of men, as he says in the preface, gathered out of all nations, who are unjustly hated and ill-treated. This defence of the faith, which has come down to us, contains an exposure of the foilies of paganism as well as arguments in favour of Christianity; and it may not be superfluous to transcribe in this place the important lines with which it ends. "On the day called Sunday," says Justin, "we all meet together, on which day Jesus Christ, our Saviour, rose from the dead. On the day before Saturday he was crucified; and on the day after Saturday, which is Sunday, he appeared to his apostles and disciples, and taught them those things which we have set before you, and refer to your consideration. If these things appear agreeable to reason and truth, pay a regard to them; if they appear trifling, reject them as such. But do not treat as enemies, nor appoint capital punishment to those who have done no harm; for we foretel unto you, that you will not escape the future judgments of God, if you persist in unrighteousness; and we shall say, 'The will of the Lord be done.' We cannot but infer from these words that persecutions were still endured by the Christians, even unto death; at the same time, the emperor ought not to be charged with any of the evil. We have further to observe, upon this extract, that the Lord's day was both established and kept holy throughout the Christian world; and it ought to be borne in mind that we are treating of the practices of the church only fifty years after the death of St. John. The reason why the first day of the week was adopted is also stated by this primitive writer.

At the same period Antoninus received addresses

from others of the brethren in Asia, complaining of many injuries which they suffered from the people. Eusebins has preserved the edict which the emperor sent into Asia, moved by the apology of Justin and the appeals of the persecuted Christians of the East. There are many sentences in this edict worthy of observation, especially where the firmness of the Christians, even in death, is mentioned. Their confidence in God recommended as an example to the pagans; and their worship of the immortal God contrasted with the negligence of idolatry. "If, therefore," concludes the emperor, any person will still accuse any of these men as such (as a Christian), let the accused be acquitted, though he appear to be such an one (that is, a Christian), and let the accuser be punished.” The authenticity of this edict is further attested by Melito, bishop of Sardis.

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If ever there was a period when the churches might be said to have rest in the second century, it was the one to which I have now directed my readers' attention; a cessation from the horrors of a cruel persecution; au abstaining from the spoiling of goods; insomuch that, if that species of trial and reproach which it is beyond the reach of human laws to restrain, fell to the lot of believers in many places, as no doubt it did, they might with advantage call to remembrance the more bitter sufferings of former years, when the rage of the heathen was poured upon them.

An additional indication of the peace and prosperity of the churches is found in the journey of Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, who came to Rome in the year 158. The object of his journey was to confer with Anicetus, then bishop of Rome, upon the proper time for celebrating the festival of Easter. It had been the custom of the churches at Alexandria, Rome, and all over the West, to celebrate this feast on a Sunday; but the churches of Asia had adopted the 11th day of the first month, according to the custom of the Jews; and they alleged that in this practice they followed the tradition left them by St. John. The question to be treated was, on what day the paschal feast, which preceded the resurrection, was to be held; and that the same day should be adopted throughout the Christian world. The two bishops, having conferred upon this point, could not agree; and whilst the churches of Asia continued their custom according to the Jewish computation, the churches of the West have ever celebrated the festival on a Sunday. But this difference did not dissolve the bonds of Christian love between the two servants of Christ; they neither of them attempted to enforce his authority upon the other; they were too well acquainted with that charity which beareth all things, to allow a difference in ecclesiastical discipline to influence them. As a proof of their inutual good will, they received the sacrament of bread and wine together; and it is not uninteresting to know that the bishop of Rome, out of respect to the age and character of Polycarp, allowed him to consecrate the elements. Nor was the peace in the churches disturbed by the unfavourable issue of this controversy; for they all agreed in the essential doctrines of the gospel, and acknowledged the same Redeemer, as their only hopes of salvation.

Those were the times when the respective churches were governed solely by their bishops and presbytery, and bore in mind the advice of an apostle: "My bre thren, be not many masters, knowing that we shall receive the greater condemnation;" not forgetting the words of the Lord, when he said to his disciples, not ye called Rabbi; for one is your master, even Christ, and ye are all brethren.”

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It is related of Polycarp, and that by Irenæus, who wrote but a few years after, and had conversed with Polycarp, that, during his short residence at Rome, he met with Marcion, who had progagated some false doctrines in the East, and was then diffusing them in the Western churches. They partook of that Gnos

ticism which I shall have occasion to allude to in the sequel, and which even now had a few followers at Rome. It is not improbable that Polycarp undertook this journey with the double motive of conferring with Anicetas, and endeavouring to counteract the influence of Marcion, who had gone out from the East; and there is every reason to believe that he succeeded in the latter; for Eusebins informs us that he brought back many of the erring Christians at Rome to the true faith; that faith was preserved in the writings of the evangelists and apostles, and was the same at Smyrna and at Rome.

At the same time there was also at Rome a writer to whom we are indebted for our knowledge of the early history of Christianity. Not that the work which he wrote has been preserved entire to us, but it is frequently cited by Eusebius. The name of this writer (a converted Jew) is Hegesippus. Besides his personal knowledge of Rome, he had been at Corinth, and conversed with Primus, bishop of that city; and he bears witness, that the church of Corinth, up to his time, had continued in the true doctrine. He remained at Rome until the time of Eleutherius, who, according to the received chronology, was bishop in 177. This date, however, takes us beyond the accession of Marcus Aurelius, which took place in 161.

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He associated Lucius Verus to the empire; and this was the first time that two emperors shared the supreme power. The latter was, indeed, of little consequence, and the events of this reign must all be attributed to the administration of Marcus. It is certain that he was not so favourable to the Christians as his predecessor had been. He was educated in the philosophy of the Stoics, and occasionally put forth sentiments peculiar to that sect which bore hard upon the Christians. We may especially refer to that reasonable censure" (as Jortin properly designates it), where he blames the readiness and resolution of the Christians to die for their religion. The true principles of Stoicism would rather have commended such fortitude; but it appears that Christianity, when firmly upheld in the face of unbelief, is apt to arouse the indignation of the most indifferent; and Marcus Aurelius, with all his virtues, can hardly escape the censure of being a persecutor of the church of God. The two remarkable events in his reign were the martyrdom of Polycarp and the persecution of the Christians in Gaul; but these I must leave until my next paper, which (for the external history of the church) will bring us to the end of the second century. I may, however, take this opportunity of mentioning the second Apology of Justin Martyr, which he addressed to Marcus Aurelius about the year 165. From this we learn that several Christians had been put to death at Rome by an officer named Urbicus, and that persecution prevailed in the distant provinces of the empire. There can be little doubt that these cruelties towards the Christians were chiefly instigated by the philosophers, who now began to tremble for the existence of the Pagan altars. Justin himself suffered in one of those attacks: he was taken before Rusticus, the prefect of the city, and, refusing sacrifice to the gods, was sentenced, along with his companions, to be beheaded. The title of Martyr has been applied to him, as a distinction, from very early times. Many of his works remain, from which we gather much important information; and to them I shall afterwards have occasion to refer.

Besides Justin's apologies we have those of Athenagoras and Tatian; and they were written at no great distance of time from one another. Tatian was a native of Assyria, and Athenagoras has left us an account of the calamities and sufferings which the Christians were made to undergo, in spite of the mild edicts of Hadrian and his successor. It is indeed in vain that we look abroad in the world, either at this or any other period of history, for a spirit of good will

towards those who would live godly in Christ Jesus; and, although we discern in the age of the Antonines a more refined policy, and, as far as depended on the civil government, a disposition to protect the innocent followers of Jesus from outrage and wrong, we cannot but see the irreconcilable enmity of the natural man to the things that are spiritually discerned. In the degraded character of the pagans generally, this would hardly surprise ns; it seems quite natural that impurity should be sternly opposed to that holiness which Christianity teaches; and the man that is at ease in his enjoyments, and loves the indulgence of his vicious inclinations, will doubtless spurn the restraints which a pure religion would put upon them.

But there is something in our view of the second century of Christianity more afflicting and more humbling than this. There is something which may perhaps apply more forcibly to our boasted refinement and fancied excellence; and which may prove more alarming than the obvious contrasts of holiness and moral degradation.

We have been contemplating the conduct, not of a series of abandoned emperors, but of those whose names are handed down to posterity as the models of moral perfection; of men, whose amiability of character, and energies, and learning, may almost vie with the greatest statesmen and philosophers of modern times; of men who received the approbation of all that was good and virtuous in their own day, and left a name to a grateful posterity, which did their memories honour. Did not these men live and converse with the saints of God? Had they not access to the oracles of truth? And did they not witness the holy lives and exemplary deaths of the followers of Jesus? How comes it that with all their virtues and all their candour, they entered not unto the fold of Christ? Why was an Antoninus Pins kept from embracing the truth? And how could the philosophic Aurelius refuse to hear Him that spake from heaven? Nevertheless, we have here a lesson to learn, which will at once enhance the value of God's grace and depreciate the virtues of our species. We may learn from the example of those virtuous pagans, that except a man be born again, he cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven for let us not for a moment suppose that we so far differ from them as not to run the same risk of finally losing the things that are eternal. There is many a man who, although no pagan, although no deist, but, on the contrary, professing a general belief in the religion of his country, is averse to consider the real nature of Christianity. Content with his virtues (especially if he be placed in an elevated station of life), proud of his attainments (particularly if he has made some little progress in science and literature), he thinks, like the Greeks, the preaching of the cross foolishness; and the offers of mercy, through a mediator, he can only contemplate as belonging to an unphilosophical mind. He is loth to look within his own bosom, unless it be for the purpose of espying the marks of his own superiority. He hears of the grace of God as something which belongs to a sect, and of the influence of God's spirit as another phrase for weak enthusiasm. The conviction of guilt, which would humble the proudest mind, he has never felt; and he turns into metaphorical rhapsody all the apparatus of redeeming love, and the glory which has yet to be revealed: yet still he is amiable as Antoninus the Pius, learned and polite as Marcus the imperial stoic. Whether, therefore, it be Jew or Greek, Roman or Church of England man, there is no difference, the evil lies in the unregenerate heart of

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