the agency of some adroit coup d'etat, by which the truculent and dominant free-soil sentiment of the North, which he had so much affronted by his bid for Southern support in the introduction of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, could be conciliated. In Illinois, his own State, the abolition strength was alarmingly on the increase, and to secure his return to the Senate at the election to be held in 1858, an object of prime importance in the promotion of his more ambitious pretensions, he did not scruple to assume a position, falsifying his previous record, wantonly insulting and defiant to his Southern associates, and in bold antagonism to a Democratic administration. The sequel of this rash and ill-judged course was the overthrow of his own political fortunes, the disintegration of his party, and the attempted dissolution of the Union.

"The earliest recommendations of Mr. Buchanan, respecting the Kansas controversy, which, several months since, had developed in that territory into a species of predatory warfare, marked by deeds of violence and atrocity, between the abolition and pro-slavery parties, were signalized by a coalition of the followers of Douglas with the abolitionists and other opponents of the administration. The speedy pacification of the disorders in Kansas, by the prompt admission of that territory, was the condition essential to the success of Mr. Buchanan's entire policy. IIe accordingly recommended the admission of Kansas into the Union, with the 'Lecompton' constitution, which had been adopted in September, 1857, by the decisive vote of six thousand two hundred and twenty-six in favor of that constitution, with slavery, and five hundred and nine for it, without slavery. A rival instrument, adopted by an election notoriously held exclusively under the control of abolitionists, prohibiting slavery, was likewise presented.

"For months the controversy was waged in Congress between the friends of the administration and its enemies, and finally resulted in a practical triumph of the free-soil principle. The

anti-Lecompton coalition of Douglas and the abolitionists, aided by the defection of a few Southern members, successfully embarrassed the policy of the administration by defeating its recommendations, and eventually carried a measure acceptable to Northern sentiments and interests.

"Mr. Douglas thus triumphed over a Democratic administration, at the same time giving a shock to the unity of the Democratic party, from which it has never recovered, and effectually neutralized its power as a breakwater of the Union against the waves of sectional dispute. The alienation between himself and his former associates was destined never to be adjusted, as indeed it never should have been, in consideration of his inexcusable recreancy to the immemorial faith of his party. Mr. Douglas simply abandoned the South, at the very first moment when his aid was seriously demanded. Nay, more; he carried with him a quiver of Parthian arrows, which he discharged into her bosom at a most critical moment in her unequal contest.

"It is not to be denied that Mr. Douglas's new interpretation of the Kansas-Nebraska act was urged by himself and his advocates as having a merit not to be overlooked by the North, in its suggestion of a method of restricting slavery, presenting superior advantages. 'Squatter sovereignty,' as advocated by Mr. Douglas, proposing the decision of the slavery question by the people of the territories, while yet unprepared to ask admission as States, was far more effectual in its plans against slavery, and only less prompt and open, than the designs of abolitionists. It would enable the 'Emigrant Aid Societics,' and imported janizaries of abolition, to exclude the institutions of the South from the territories, the joint possessions of the two sections, acquired by an enormously disproportionate sacrifice on the part of the South, with a certainty not to be realized, for years to come, perhaps, from the abolition policy

of congressional prohibition.* According to Mr. Douglas's theory, the existence of slavery in all the territories was to depend upon the verdict of a few hundred settlers or squatters' upon the public lands. It practically conceded to Northern interests and ideas every State to be hereafter admitted, and under the operation of such a policy it was not difficult to anticipate the fate of slavery, at last even in the States.

"From the inception of this controversy until its close, Mr. Davis was fully committed to the policy of Mr. Buchanan, and his position was in perfect harmony with that of all the leading statesmen of the South. Less prominent, perhaps, in debate, from his constant ill-health during the first session, than at any other period of his public life, he was still zealous and influential"

"Among his numerous contests with the distinguished exponents of the sentiment in opposition to the Souta, none are more memorable than his collisions with Douglas.

"Of these the most striking occurred on the 23d of February, 1859, and on the 16th and 17th of May, 1860. To have matched Douglas with an ordinary contestant, must always have resulted in disaster; it would have been to renew the contest of Athelstane against Ivanhoe. Douglas was accustomed to testify, cheerfully, to the power of Davis, as evinced in their senatorial struggles; and it is very certain that at no other hands did he fare so badly, unless an exception be made in favor of the remarkable speech of Senator Benjamin, of Louisiana. The latter was an adept in the strategy of debate, a parliamentary Suchet.

"The 23d of February, 1859, was the occasion of a protracted battle between Davis and Douglas, lasting from midday until nearly night. This speech of Mr. Davis is, in many respects, inferior to his higher oratorical efforts, realizing less of the forms of oratory which he usually illustrated so happily,

"Governor Wise, of Virginia, characterized 'squatter sovereignty' as a 'short cut to all the ends of Black Republicanism."

and is wanting somewhat in that symmetry, harmony and comeliness in all its features, with which his senatorial efforts are generally wrought to the perfection of expression. The circumstances under which it was delivered, however, fully meet this criticism, and show a most remarkable readiness for the instantaneous and hurried grapple of debate, and this latter quality was the strong point of Douglas's oratory. The latter had replied at great length, and with evident preparation, to a speech made by Mr. Davis's colleague (Mr. Brown), who was not present during Douglas's rejoinder. Without hesitation Mr. Davis assumed the place of his absent colleague, and the result was a running debate, lasting several hours, and exhibiting on both sides all the vivacious readiness of a gladiatorial combat.

"In their ordinary and characteristic speeches there was an antithesis, no less marked than in their characters as men. Douglas was peculiarly American in his style of speaking. He dealt largely in the argumentum ad hominem; was very adroit in pointing out immaterial inconsistencies in his antagonists; he rarely discussed general principles; always avoided questions of abstract political science, and struggled to force the entire question into juxtaposition with the practical considerations of the immediate present.

"In nearly all of Davis's speeches is recognized the pervasion of intellect, which is preserved even in his most impassioned passages. He goes to the very 'foundations of jurisprudence,' illustrates by historical example, and throws upon his subject the full radianco of that noble light which is shed by diligent inquiry into the abstract truths of political and moral science. Strength, animation, energy without vchemence, classical elegance, and a luminous simplicity, aro features in Mr. Davis's oratory which rendered him one of the most finished, logical, and effectivo of contemporary parliamentary speakers.'

In the summer of 1858, Mr. Davis, in quest of health, visited a number of points at the North-sojourning for some time at Portland, Maine-and made several speeches which so well expressed his views that we quote freely from two of them. The Eastern Argus, of Portland, Maine, gave the following report of his reception and speech in that city:

"We are gratified in being able to offer our readers a faithful and quite full report of the speech of Hon. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, on the occasion of the serenade given him by the citizens of Portland, without distinction of party, on Friday evening last. It will be read with interest and pleasure, and we cannot doubt that every sentiment uttered by the distinguished Mississippian will find a hearty response and approval from the citizens of Maine. The occasion was indeed a pleasing, a hopeful one. It was in every respect the expression of generous sentiments, of kindness, hospitality, friendly regard, and the brotherhood of American citizenship. Prominent men of all parties were present, and the expression, without exception, so far as we have heard, has been that of unmingled gratification; and the scene was equally pleasant to look upon. The beautiful mansion of Rensallær Cram, Esq., directly opposite to Madame Blanchard's, was illuminated, and the light thrown from the windows of the two houses revealed to view the large and perfectly orderly assemblage with which Park and Danforth streets were crowded. regret that our readers can get no idea of the musical voice and inspiring eloquence of the speaker from a report of his remarks, but it is the best we can do for them. After the music had ceased, Mr. Davis appeared upon the steps, and as soon as the prolonged applause with which he was greeted had subsided, ho spoko in substance as follows:

We

"Fellow-citizens: Accept my sincero thanks for this manifestation of your kindness. Vanity does not lead me so far to