powerfully, and impressed me with his capacity for analysis and logical induction more deeply than any other effort that I ever knew him to make.

"The result of the election, as anticipated, was my defeat. As this was the only occasion on which I was ever a candidate for the legislature of Mississippi, it may be seen how utterly unfounded was the allegation that attributed to me any part in the legislative enactment known as the Act of Repudiation.""

"To this statement it may be added that not only was it Mr. Davis's first appearance in the political arena as a candidate for the Legislature, subsequent to the repudiation of the bonds, but that he never, at any time, before or afterward, held any civil office, legislative, executive or judicial, in the State government. Furthermore, that his supposed sympathy with the advocates of the payment of the debt by the State was actually (though ineffectually) employed among the repudiators as an objection to his election to Congress in 1845. The idea of attaching any share of responsibility to him for the repudiation of the bonds was of later origin. In his latter years he felt, and sometimes expressed, strong indignation at the remark of General Scott (in a note to his autobiography, vol. I, page 148,) relative to the 'Mississippi bonds, repudiated mainly by Mr. Jefferson Davis.' He spoke in terms of still severer censure of the late Robert J. Walker, whom he believed to have propagated the same calumny while financial agent of the United States in Europe during the war, although he was personally familiar with all the facts of the true history of the transaction.

"The political career of Mr. Davis was now fairly begun, and whatever reluctance or hesitancy he may have shown in entering upon it, once begun, it was pursued with characteristic ardor. In 1844 he made an extensive canvass of the State as a candidate for the electorial college on the Democratic

ticket (which was elected), and his ability as a public speaker became generally known to the people of Mississippi.

"In February, 1845, he contracted a second marriage with Miss Varina Howell, a daughter of William B. Howell, Esq., of Natchez.

"In the course of the same year he was elected to Congress (as a representative from the State "at large") and took his seat in the House soon after the opening of the first session of the Twenty-ninth Congress, in December, 1845.

"This was the first session of Congress under Mr. Polk's administration, and several questions of serious importance presented themselves for consideration. Among these were that of the modification of the tariff of 1842, the 'Oregon question,' and that of the relations with Mexico, then involved in difficulty growing out of the annexation of Texas, and ultimately resulting in war. In all these Mr. Davis manifested a lively interest. He advocated a tariff based upon the necessities of the government only, and favored ad valorem rather than specific duties. Both of these principles were recognized, if not fully and exclusively applied, as the basis of the tariff of 1846, in the framing of which he bore a more influential part than usually falls to the share of so young a member.

"He took a conspicuous part also in the debates on the two questions of foreign policy above referred to. With regard to Oregon he differed from the administration and from the majority of his political associates, without, however, fully coinciding with the opposition. He advocated a continuance of the joint occupancy of the disputed territory and opposed the proposition to give notice to Great Britain of a termination of the treaty which authorized it. In the course of a speech on this question he gave eloquent expression to that strong devotion to the principles of the original union and repugnance to everything savoring of sectional feeling, which eminently distinguished his whole political career.

"Speaking for the South, he said: 'As we have shared in the toils, so we have gloried in the triumphs of our country. In our hearts, as in our history, are mingled the names of Concord, and Camden, and Saratoga, and Lexington, and Plattsburg, and Chippewa, and Erie, and Moultrie, and New Orleans, and Yorktown, and Bunker Hill. Grouped all together, they form a record of the triumphs of our cause, a monument of the common glory of our Union. What Southern man would wish it less by one of the Northern names of which it is composed? Or where is he who, gazing on the obelisk that rises from the ground made sacred by the blood of Warren, would feel his patriot's pride suppressed by local jealousy?""

:

VIII.

THE MEXICAN WAR.

The annexation of Texas, which Mr. Davis heartily favored, and the subsequent events ieading up to the Mexican war had elicited the deepest interest of the young statesman..

He had ably advocated the recognition of the young republic of Texas, and its reception as a State of the Union by an enactment of Congress, without regard to the wishes or claims of Mexico. He heartily favored an aggressive policy on the Rio Grande, and was in warm sympathy with "Old Rough and Ready" in the bold and successful policy which he pursued.

On the 28th of May, 1846, he delivered the following speech in favor of a resolution of thanks to General Taylor and his army for the successes they had recently gained in operations on the Rio Grande:

"As a friend to the army, he rejoiced at the evidence, now afforded, of a disposition in this House to deal justly, and to feel generously toward those to whom the honor of our flag has been intrusted. Too often and too long had we listened to harsh and invidious reflections upon our gallant little army and the accomplished officers who command it. A partial opportunity had been offered to exhibit their soldierly quali ties in their true light, and he trusted these aspersions were hushed-hushed now forever. As an American, whose heart promptly responds to all which illustrates our national character, and adds new glory to our national name, he rejoiced with exceeding joy at the recent triumph of our arms.

Yet

it is no more than he expected from the gallant soldiers who hold our post upon the Rio Grande-no more than, when occasion offers, they will achieve again. It was the triumph. of American courage, professional skill, and that patriotic pride which blooms in the breast of our educated soldier, and which droops not under the withering scoff of political revilers.

"These men will feel, deeply feel, the expression of your gratitude. It will nerve their hearts in the hour of future conflicts, to know that their country honors and acknowledges, their devotion. It will shed a solace on the dying moments of those who fall, to be assured their country mourns their loss. This is the meed for which the soldier bleeds and dies. This he will remember long after the paltry pittance of one month's extra pay has been forgotten.

"Beyond this expression of the nation's thanks, he liked the principle of the proposition offered by the gentleman from South Carolina. We have a pension system providing for the disabled soldier, but he seeks well and wisely to extend it to all who may be wounded, however slightly. It is a reward offered to those who seek for danger, who first and foremost plunge into the fight. It has been this incentive, extended so as to cover all feats of gallantry, that has so often crowned the British arms with victory, and caused their prowess to be recognized in every quarter of the globe. It was the sure and high reward of gallantry, the confident reliance upon their nation's gratitude, which led Napoleon's armies over Europe, conquering and to conquer; and it was these influences which, in an earlier time, rendered the Roman arms invincible, and brought their eagle back victorious from every land on which it gazed. Sir, let not that parsimony (for he did not deem it economy) prevent us from adopting a system which in war will add so much to the efficiency of troops. Instead of seeking to fill the ranks of your army by increased pay, let the soldier feel that a liberal pension will relieve him from the