Mr. Buchanan's History of his Administration.-His embarrassing Position.-Unanimous Vote of Approbation by the Legislature of Massachusetts.-Anxious Waiting for the Meeting of Congress.-A "John Brown" Incident in Boston.-Official Opinion upon “Coercion,” of the Attorney-General of the United States.-Conciliatory Propositions in the Albany Journal, a leading Republican Paper in the Interest of Mr. Seward.- Upon Motion of Mr. Boteler, of Virginia, a Committee of One from each State (33) appointed, to consider and report upon "the present Perilous Condition of the Coun try."-Mr. Powell, of Kentucky, moves in the Senate for a Committee of Thirteen.- Proposition of Mr. Andrew Johnson in the Senate.-Speech of Mr. Wade, of Ohio.- He does not "so much blame the People of the South."-Allusion to the Speech by Mr. Nicholson, of Tennessee, in the House.-Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, offers Resolutions.-Extracts from Speeches of Mr. Andrew Johnson.-Great Number of Memorials in favor of the Crittenden Resolutions.-Opinion of Mr. Pugh, Senator from Ohio, of the Popular Vote in their favor, had they been adopted by Congress.-The New York World (Rep.) on the Effect of "one Word that way" from Mr. Seward.-- Strong Statement of Boston Daily Advertiser (Rep.) as to Popular Aversion to a War. -Changes of Feeling.-The New York Tribune against a "Reactionary Spirit" for Union. -Resolution of Mr. Clark, Senator from New Hampshire, to defeat the Critten- den Propositions.-Mr. Seward disappoints Public Expectation by his Vote.-His Speech.-Its Effect.-The "Conservative " Republican Journals become quasi radical. -Statement of Mr. Wilson, Senator from Massachusetts.-Mr. Sumner, Senator from Massachusetts, on "the Barbarism of Slavery."-The "Irrepressible Conflict."-Inter- position of Virginia.-The Appointment of Commissioners to the "Peace Conference." -Messrs. Shurz, Chandler, and Bingham.-Mr. Chase on this Subject.-The Spirit of Fair Basis of Settlement in the Propositions of the Peace Conference; but they were carried only by bare Majorities.-The Crittenden Resolutions.-The Committee of Thirteen. Mr. Toombs's Statement of its Spirit.-Mr. Douglas on the Resolutions.-Mr. Crittenden's Opinion of their Effect, had they been adopted.-Mr. Pugh and Mr. Douglas, as to the readiness of Mr. Davis and Mr. Toombs to accept them, if agreed to by the Republican Members.-Resolutions already rejected by the House, lost in the Senate, by a Majority of One, Mr. Seward not voting.-The two-thirds Vote necessary to give them Effect could not have been obtained, had all the Southern Senators been present.-Mr. Douglas's Statement that many of the Republican Leaders desired Dissolution aud War.-Mr. Everett's Letter, of February 2d, 1861, to the "Union" Meeting at Faneuil Hall, in Opposition to "Coercion," and stating the Party Obstacles to Adjustment.-Certain Anti-Abolition Resolutions pass the House.-The Faint-heartedness of the Class of Republican Leaders, who were Union Men, but afraid Inauguration of Mr. Lincoln.-His Character.-The Grand Question at the Time how to avoid War.-Mr. Everett's Favorable Position to judge, and his Opinion.-Resolutions of a pacific Spirit pass the House by a two-thirds Vote too late, but not acted upon in the Senate. The Inaugural Address.-The Purpose only to maintain and defend the Union.-A Disavowal of any Intent to use Force.-The Policy temporizing and con- ciliatory.-Interview with Delegates from the Virginia Assembly after the Attack on Fort Sumter; still on the Defence.-Statement of the Purposes of Secession by the Commissioner from Mississippi to Maryland; not the Object to dissolve the Union.- The Grand Naval Expedition, and the Assault on Fort Sumter.-Mr. Campbell, ex- Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, and Mr. Seward.-Extract from Leading Journals, in Relation to the Affair of Fort Sumter.-The New York Herald.-The Charleston Courier.-The New York Tribune.-The Herald again. Mr. Seward, no doubt, intended to fulfil his Engagement.-The Unhappy Results of the incongruous Composition of the Republican Party.-Despatch to the New York Herald.-The Object of this Volume.-Except for Causes arising in the North, any Attempt at Secession in the South would have been impossible.-Two Important Questions remaining after the War.-The Speediest Restoration best for the Whole Country.-The Radical Policy. -The Emancipation Question.-An Illustration of Radical Policy from Spanish His- tory four hundred Years ago.-The End of the Republican Movement corresponds with its Beginning.-What would have been the Condition of the Country, if Emancipation had taken place when the Constitution was adopted.-The same Motive which led the Radical Managers to "precipitate" the War induces them to oppose Restoration.— The Question must soon be-"Whether we will have a reestablished Constitution and a THE OBJECTS OF THE WORK. IN writing this book, I have endeavored to trace, in a manner which I trust will be intelligible to the general reader, the interior course of the long controversy, sometimes active, and again much subdued, but never absolutely at rest, between the North and the South. It was my purpose to make known whatever the facts of the case should of themselves indicate, without any regard to party interests or prepossessions. As the negro was, at the beginning, more or less conspicuously concerned in the question, and on considerations relating chiefly to the master rather than to the slave, either personally or morally; so he is still left in an uncertain condition, after a war which has destroyed more than half a million of men who were fellow-citizens, and probably twice as many of those who were made the occasion of the contest. This contest also placed the free institutions of the country in a state of peril still furnishing grounds of just apprehension. I have discussed negro-slavery in its own special relations, and the future which apparently awaits the negro race itself in this country, without consciousness of any prej udice, and only so far as those points were inevitably con nected with the order of the narrative. If it should appear that the antislavery agitation, leading to such terrible public and private evils, was actually factitious in its origin and character, so far as its positively efficient agents have pursued it, and was, in reality, the fruit of a struggle for political power, instead of a moral or philanthropical demonstration, a very grave question is thus presented for the consideration of the American people. For, whatever contentment they might feel at the result, in one view of the subject, they may not be so well satisfied with the demoralization of their civil fabric, in subserviency to merely factious motives and partisan ends. If it should seem, indeed, to be a logical conclusion that the doctrine of negro equality and negro suffrage should follow, even upon the present deplorable condition of the colored population-the question may thence arise, whether the premises themselves were well laid down which could lead to consequences so much out of the order of nature and practice. Certainly, whether the past can be repaired or not, the future ought to be taken care of, for the common welfare, by an intelligent people, conscious of their own dignity and responsibilities. Nor ought they to allow politicians, for personal or party purposes, to make extreme theories the means of future and unknown ills, upon an insincere hypothesis, which cannot endure the light of either philosophy or experience. In thus presenting a sketch of the progress of those causes which led to the Southern revolt, it will be seen that slavery, though made an occasion, was not, in reality, the cause of the war. Antislavery was of no serious consequence, and had no positive influence, until politicians, at a late period, seized upon it as an instrument of agitation; and they could not have done so to any mischievous effect, except for an alleged diversity of interests between the sections, involving the question of political power. Wise and patriotic citizens for a long time kept those interests at the proper balance, or the passions which were thus stimulated under just control. As those great men passed away, self-seeking and ambitious demagogues, the pest of republics, disturbed the equilibrium, and were able, at length, to plunge the country into that worst of all public calamities, civil war. morals had as little as possible to do with the result. Philanthrophy might have sighed, and fanaticism have howled for centuries in vain, but for the hope of office and the desire of public plunder, on the part of men who were neither philanthropists nor fanatics. The question of It is the misfortune of Republican institutions that many who have paid little attention to matters of state policy, and some scarcely competent to understand it, must pass judg ment upon men of superior ability and high attainments, who have made such topics the study of their lives. Hence, it has happened, in this turmoil of parties, that the latter have been too frequently set aside for inferior persons, and their better considered opinions disregarded, in favor of those of transient Congressmen, often incapable by nature, and sometimes disqualified for calm judgment by personal habits, and of Governors of States, who ought to have remained among the governed. The policy pursued might well be considered matchless in a certain direction, if, in opposition to those rights of the South, in which the interests of the North were equally concerned, and in repugnance to by far the most prevalent |