Sidor som bilder


congratulatory smile, saying, “there, petii. “terested and unprincipled individuals;" foggers, inatch that if

can." It has

that it is demonstrated, hat the disagreebeen thought, and said, by many persons, ment arose froin publications in this that the French aim at the destruction of our “ country." But, here again, niggardly constitution, liberries, and religion; and, as n3tur: has retused you the two mouths. the destruction of them would naturally be When you wanted to cause it to be believed, i cluded in the conquest of England, the that England began the war without any reaFench do, in my opinion, aim at that de- sonable cause, and that there existed, in struction. By way of combatting this opi- reality, no grounds of hostility, and no nion, you ask : At uhat period, since the grounds of alarm as to the desigus of Buona. “ revolution in France, has the French go. I parié, then it was necessary for you to find “ verament proposaid to us, that we should out the real cause of the war, and that cause

relinquishı, or ilivest ourselves of, our con- way, the oftence which Buonaparıé tork at 6. stitution. liberties and religion ?" To the publications in England; but now, when wliom did you address this, Sir! Certainly yrir object is to persuade 0s, that your great you mus: have supposed, to the most base friend (I must call him so, however it may or the most stupid of mankind. You are a shock your modesty), has not the least de. fit per»011, indeed, to complain of insults to sire to do any thing that can,

" in the the common sense and common feeling of “ slightest degree, infringe upon the indethe nation ; you, who have the impudence pendence of England,” you find it neces. cuoily to desire us to believe, that the French sary to speak very lightly of the complaint do not wish to destroy us as an independent about our “ licentious press," and to tell us, 13.3tion, lecause i hey never have made to us a that, befo:c the war broke out, those comformal proposition to give our consent to plaints were abandoned, and, at last, such destruction. Verily, if your :erbal dis- formed no part of the discussious:" in course bu like your written, the rabble of other words, that the publications from the Liverpool treated you with accountable press were not the cause of the war, and forbearance. You proceed to tell us, that that what you have before asserted, upon “ neither in the negociations of 1901, 1803, that subject, was a wilful falshood. or 1806, do we find traces of any proposi- Barefaced and disgusting as these contra. “ tion on the part of France, which could dictions are, however, they are quite equal. “ intringe, in the slightest degree, upon the led by some which are yet to be noticed.

independence, the interest, or the prospe- You tell us, that the cause of war now al.

rity, of this country." You nay know, ledged is, that “ if peace were once estathough I do not, how to distinguish between blished, it would cnable France to create a national " interést” and “ prosperity," or "s marine, hy which she niglit overpower you may, from your intimacy with John Doe " the British navy and subjugate the coun. and Richard Roe, think, that tautology is a try." These words you insert as a quo. b:auty in composition ; but, as to the sub- tation, but without reference, for a reasou stance of what you say, it is this, that, from best known to yourself. No, Sir; this also the beginning to the end, France has not, is talse. It is not thus, that the objectors to in

21:y of the three negociations, proposeil peace express themselves; for this would be any one thing, to which we had any solid 10 declare for "

perpetual war," a declaraground of objection ;' an assertion, which, tion, which, with your usual attention to from my soul, I believe, Arthur O'Connor trutli, you have ascribed to us.

We say, or, himself would not, for his character's sake, I do, at le?st, that, if we were now to make venture to make in the face of the world. peace with Napoleon, leaving him in posses. You appear to be an are of an exception that gion of all the ports and naval arsenals upon even your political friends (if you have any) the continent, and without making any Dovigli wish you to have made with respect to pulation to prevent the creation of a marine, ale proposinons, made ibrongh Andreossy, ihat he would, in a very few years of peace, 1 the press, and the speeches in create a navy sufficient to overpower us; pailiment; lat, hy you, even the com- and, that, therefore, we ought to keep on

plaints made by the Frencli ruler against the war, till we can obtain the separating of

incricentiness of the British press were some of the maritime states from him, or a * audondd, and eventuuly formed no stipulation such as I have mentioned; be" part of the discussione;" though you had, Cate, in the case of a peace, now made, diciure, tikin innvite pains to inculcate a be- without such stipulation, - we could not disdiet, tai the present war arose wholly from mantle a ship or disband a regiment; that the publications in England irgainst Buona the expences of peace would be equal to prie; chat "it was instigated by a few in- the expences of war, and the danger i1.ti


nitely greater ; that he would obtain repose, cudgel us with the other ? When it is your and that we should receive an augmentation purpose to sooth us into peace, we are told of inquietude; that he, never having any ihat it is a mark of insanity to suppose tinit apprehensions of us, would have leisure to France can ever rival the naval power of mature his maritime projects, while our na- England, but, when you take up the cudgel, vy must from the very nature of its constitu- we are warned to take care how we provehe tion become, day after day, in a state less

her to become a naral power. While the formidable than it now is. This is what I former scheme is in your mind, you tell us, have, over and over again, siated ; and, if that France, even in the best days of her you had taken this statement, you would navy, was unable to cope with Holland, have had something to answer.

But, now, quire forgetting to tell us that Holland 100 let us hear what you say in order to convince makes part of France ; but, when you come us of the absurdity of the alarm arising again to your cudgelling operations, you do from the notion, that peace, now made, not forget this circumstance, but remind us upon the terms proposed by France, will that almost every maritime state in Europe enable Napoleon to create a marine. You is now under the absoluie controul of France, tell us, that France is, by nature, not a or, as you, with your accustomed candour, naval power; that, in the most prosperous

choose to express it, associated with her. days of her navy, she was unable to cope

" in the same cause." Bull, sir, as to your with the fleets of Holland ; that those per- argunient, there is a little deficiency in point sons are almost insane, wbo seem to imagine, of analogy, to which, in your next edition, that, because Buonaparté has been so suc- it may not be amiss for you to attend. Gire cessful b; land he must, if he turn his atten- me leave to place it before you in as clear a tion that way, be equally successful by sea; light as I can. France (you say), at the beand that, therefore, we may safely make ginning of her revolution, was not military peace, leaving dreams of alarm to the in- (false in fact); the attack upon her made manly creatures who entertain them. But, her not only military but a military conlest your powers of soothing should fail, you, queror, and that because " the nations of a little further on, try the effect of threats, the continent became her instructors in miand tell us, that, if we will not make peace, litary tactics." France (you say) is not now then Buonaparte may, and, in all likelihood, naval ; but a perseverance in a naval war, will, beat us by sea. You say, that, in the on our part, will, or at least may, as in the commencement of the French revolution, other case, make her not only naval, but a France was not military ; that the attacks naval conqueror. No, sir ; and if you have made upon her made her military ; that, if deceived yourself by this sort of logic, your she had been left quiet, she would not have brain is of that kind which Swift describes become formidable to her neighbours ; that as not capable of bearing many skummings. she was compelled, in her defence, to take You quite overlook the want of similarity a government purely military; that, “in in the circumstances. It was (taking your like manner," France is not now a naval fact for granted), at the beginning of her power (though she has been " attacked" war that she was not military ; but it is at by a navy for many years), and, if left in a the end of fifteen years of war that she is state of tranquillity would not be at all likely not naval, though the war has, all along, to attempt it; but, “if compelled to assume l-been naval as well as military, as the total “ it, if threatened with perpetual war, if destruction of her feet, old as well as new, harrassed from year to year by protracted is, to her, at least, a convincing proof. For “ hostilities ; if compelled to become naval your argument to have been worth any thing, for her own safety; then it is impossible as applied to the purpose which you had in to say that the same spirit which has been view, there should have been no naval war

manifested by land may not be excited by all this time; or, you should have been able

sea, an event greatly to be dreaded, and to say, that France was destitute of a navy “ the more to be apprehended, as she is in 1792, and that now, in consequence of

now associated, in the same cause, with our “ attack" upon her, she had drilled “ almost every maritime state in Europe." herself into a formidable naval power. “ The Poor, injured, " harrassed" France, “com- nations of Europe,” you tell us, have been pelled" to become naval for her own her instructors in military afrairs,” and you * safely !” Never was there any thing it. express your fear, that, unless we make tered so devoid of principle as this. I defy peace, we shall, in like manner, « Lecome The Old Bailey to produce such an advocate. her instructors in naral affairs." Become! And so, sir, you wish to tame us as they do Now, really, sir, I must charge you, in your elephauts; stroke us with one hand and capacity of pleader for France, ás being very




ungrateful ; for, have we not been endea

PETUAT WAR. This is the arewed object vouring to instruct her these fifteen long of all their exertions, the sole preservative years, in all sorts of naval affairs, ia batiles against their terrors.. Continually hauntof all sizes, and in all parts of the world, ed in imagination by the spectre, Buonanot forgetting to give, as it were purely for “ parté, they cannot sleep in peace, unless her sake, here and there a lesson to her al- " the blood of their fellow subject ide daily lies, even unto those nations, wlio “ " and howly flowing in their defence, in now associated with her in the same every part of the world." For malignant

(say gooil cause in your next edi. aspersions there is nothing like a philau. tion, to make the thing complete); and, if thropist by trade; bur, sir, while you were they have, not one of them, profited from drawing such a hateful picture of the cow. our instructions, in all that time, what rea- ardiçe of others, you certainly forgot those son is there to suppose, that they will begin symptoms of unfeigned fear, wbich you exnow to profit from them? This is your hibited at Liverpool, where you retreated at main argument; upon this argument you the very sound of the voice of your opporing all the changes; and in this argument, nents, crying, if we are to believe the pubwhich is one of experience, you are com- lished reports, like a stout Italian, when a pletely beaten, fifteen years of experience liitle blackguard of a dozen years old has having prored, that, in war, France, though given a hoist to his board of britte images ; having for her principal object, the destruc. you must have forgotten this, or you would tion of England constantly in view, and have shown some compassion for the cowthough having at her command almost all ardice of us, who are, at least, your countrythe naval force of the continent of Europe,

But, sir, where is it that you have to has been daily sinking as a maritime stale; refer to what you have here given as the anand, yet you would fain make us believe, swer of those whom you (brave man!) that the only way to prevent her from be- term the alarivists? Who has ever said, that coming formidable ai sea is to make peace “ perpetual war is the object of his exerwith her, and that, too, upou terms, which “ tions, and the sole preservative" against shall leave her in quiet possession of all the the dangers which he apprehends? I bemeans which the continent affords for the lieve, that no one bas ever said it, in print or creation of a navy.

Your proposition, out of print. But, I will tell you what we siripped of all its useless words, and con- say : we say, that a war to last until our nected with undeniable fact, is this : the graAd children are fathers of families ; that only danger which we have to apprebend a war for a hundred years to come, would from the hostility of France, is, that she inay be preferable to the subjugation of our councreate a naval force ; she has now, and has try by France ; a:id, preferable, ton, to a bad for some years, almost the whole of the peace, which, in our opinion, wonld speedily naval means of the continent at her dis.

lead to such subjugation. Whether the posal; we have been at war with her for sort of peace which

you recommend would, uiteen years, and she has been daily sinking have this effect, is a question which has in naval power ; therefore, in order to pre- before been discussed by nie,* and which I rent her from rising in vaval power, let us shall not discuss again here ; but, that you make peace with lier as soon as possible, and feel conscious of the badness of your cause is insist upor: no stipulation that shall prevent pretty evident from your having recourse hier from making use of the absence of our to such flagrant misrepresentations as that naval force for the creating of a naval force which I have just noticed. Perhaps of her own. This is, disguise it how you however, it is in the way of induction that will, the advice which you give 10 your you have made this statement of our senti. country; advice which no man would give, ments. We insist, that perpetual -war is who was not ile enemy of his country, or, preferable to subjugation by France; we inat l'ast, who, from want of real patriotism, sist that perpetual war is preferable to such a had not suffered his spite againsi his party peace as would speedily lead to subjugation ; "pponents to get the better of every higher we say what sort of peace we shuold think consideration,

preferable to war; you are, I suppose, of You admit, sir, for arguinient's sake, that opinion, that we shall get no such peace as France would, in case of p-ace, increase her 1?ly so as to threaten the independence of * See Register, present volume, page 65, England ; and, under this armission, you and subsequent articles upon the subject of riniz " What is our remedy against it? Peace, where I liave used argunicats, which, • The answer,” you continue,

is ready

as far as my knowledge reaches, 110 one has ** froni the whole tribe of alarmists : PER- .yet attempted to answer.


this latter; and, hence you covýcludz, that we put on his yoke quietly. It is the second are for perpetual war, which, in this way, “ blow that makes the battle,” saytle Quayou take us to have openly avowed, as the kers; and, as towards the Emperor Naposole preventive for the evil which we dread. leon, you, Sir, appear to be a perfect But, observe, you take it for granted (for "ó Friend." The refusal of the Prince of argument's sake) that our apprehensions are Portugal to make a fraudulent seizure of well founded, as to the means that it would English property, held under the sanction of put into the hands of our enemy; and how the law, you term a persevering, afier redo you console us? Why, by telling us, first, peate I renonstrances, in the maintaining that we have not the power, by continuing rs of alliances supposed to be injurious to a the war, to prevent the operation of those “ belligerent and successful power;" and means; but, next, that the "immense pre- our conduct you describe by the words

parations ior subduing us are not the vo. persevering hostility;" that is to say, that

iuntary act of our enemy, who has, pro- by our persevering in a refusal to submit to bably, other objects in view; but are Napoleon's terms, we force him to make vast

forced upon him by the persevering hosti- preparations for invading and conquering lis. lity of this country, and the declared pur

1. Under such circumstances," you proceed, pose of waging against him perpetual war; “ there can be no doubt that every effort or, in other words, of contending with “ will be made by him for the invasion of

bim, till one of the two countries be de- " these islands." And then you go on again " stroyed as a nation and subjugated to the with your threats. But, Sir, why do you " will of the other." It is useless to repeat not address yourself to him? Since you find the accusation of falshood, so often before

per serering;" so mulishly obstinate proved upon you'; it is useless to express in our reluctance to put our heads into the one's contempt of your misrepresentations; yoke, why do you not ask him to think of but, it is still ess iiseless to ask you where some terins of peace that we shall look upon yon bave ever seen such a declaration on the as safe? This is a way of putting an end 10 part of England against France.

You do, the war, that has not, it would seem, come indeed, quote a passage from the author of aihwart your 'mind; and yet, there appears Iar in Disguise: "He (Buonaparté) says to be nothing unnatural in the idea ; unles, " there is room enough in the world for ! indeed, you regard it as the height of pre4 him and us. 'Tis falsc; there is not room sumption in us

10 think of any terms “ enough in it for his new despotism and pot stricily conformable to the diciates " the liberties of England.” Wherenpon of his promulgated will.

In that case you, like a true pettitogger, ask: How your conduct is consistent, whatever people “ did, ther, the liberties of England exist may think of you as a legislator and a patriot.

so long in the same world with ibe ancient Suspecting, apparently, that the intalibigovernment of France? Or, why were lity of your own judzrent may be doubied

Mr. Pitt and his friends so anxious to es- by some few personis, at least, you appeal “ tablish that government?” What a mise- for a presumprire proof of the inoffensiverable quibble! Is it not evident, that the au- ness of the views of France, to the opinions thor of Ilar in Disguise was not talking of the several sets of ministers, under whom about the internal despotism of Buonaparté ? negociations have been carried on with her Is it not manifest that he was speaking of for the termination of wir. You tell 113, his universal despotism, and particularly of i that Lord Sidmouth and his colle,gues, in the eifect of his power over the maritime 1801; that, the sme ministry, in 1803 ; thu states of the world, to induce Englaud Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox, in 1806; perto set about counteracting the efiect of ceived no such objections in a pacification as which power was the avowed object of the fars of the alarınists have now discoverthe pimphlet in question? A man who can ed; and that even the present ministers, be guilty of such glaring misconstruction ; “ have acknowledged, in the face of Euwho can wilfully expose himself to the im- rope, that there was no substantial cause piration of ignorance, rather than forego the for hostility between France and this advantage to be derived from falshood, is country, either from apprehensions of well worthy of being the advocate of the this, or of any other, nature ; but, ilut cause you have eşpoused; but, he might, li the war was continued on account of methinks, bave spared us his moral reflec- “ Russia only, and that his majesty was rootions and his references to holy writ. There " tending for interests not his own." This is, indeed, one way, in which we may be said falshood I have exposed once before; buis io force Buonaparté to make vast prepara- in this place, it is stated still more distinctly tions for invading us, namely, in refusing to and, therefore, shall again be pointed out

for peace.

The words of the declaration were, that during the short interval of peace. After "ibe negociation was broken off* upon breaking off the negociation of 1806, the "points, immediately affecting, not his ma- late ministry solemnly declared, “ that the

jesty's own interests, but those of his im- “ restoration of the general tranquillity was

perial ally.” Now, was this a declara- “ retarded only by the injustice and ambition, in the face of Europe, that his majesty, tion of the enemy." These are excellent in continuing the war, was contending authorities for you to appeal to in corrobora“ for interests not his own ?" And, that tion of your opinion, that the views of o there was no substantial cause for war be- France are just and moderate; that, the

tween England and I'rance, but that the manner in which the last negociation was war was continued on account of Russia put an end to is a proof, that there is now po

only ?" What an impudent misconstruc- rational object in continuing the war, and a tion! What a scandalous attempt to mislead ground whereon for the people to proceed in the uninformed! Besides, what was this to petitioning the king to hasten negociations muus negociation of 1800 ? To bear you, Sir, would not any one suppose, that it was a Thus, Sir, have I had the patience to go negociation, just upon the point of ending in through the whole of your pamphlet; and, I a treaty of peace, when some demand of must say, that so much misrepresentation, ours in favour of Russia came, unfortunately, misconstruction and talshood, accompanied and broke all off again? To hear you, who with so little truth and sound reasoning; so would not imagine that this was the case ? much assurance with so little capdour; so But, the fact is, as the fact pretty generally much malice with so little wit; so much is with respect to your representations, profession of morality and religion with so completely the reverse; for this promising little of the practice of either, I never before negociation, instead of being upon the point met with in any one of the hundreds of poof ripening into a treaty of peace, had litical publications whereon it has fallen to scarcely begun to show blossom, when it my lot to remark. You appear to me not was blasted by a dispute about the basis, that only to have laid aside, or set at nought, that is to say, about the foundation upon which conscience, of which you speak so feelingly the negociators should begin to talk about in your preface, but also to have been so interms. The negociation, in truth, never fatuated as to suppose tbat there was not, in really began, it never existed; and we call the whole English nation, one single person the silly ihing, which was going on in 1800, capable of detecting your miserable attempts a negociation, only because we have no word at deception. As to your partiality for whereby to characterize it. Yet you speak, France, which is too glaring to be denied, all along, of the negociation as an affair of I do not impute it to a desire on your part to great importance; you speak of the parties see that country conquer your own.

You as being agreed as to terms; and you express do not proceed that length in your wishes. your approbation of those terms, as well you That is a state of things, which, indeed, you may, for they are the dear offspring of your do not at all contemplate. You have a liking own prolific brain. Such a way of repre. for the rulers of France, partly because they senting transactions, may do very well for are the enemies, not of your country, but of the Lives of Lorenzo de' Medici and Pope the politicians you hate in your country; Leo the Tenth ; but with regard to transac- and partly, I am atraid, because they are tritions of yesterday a little more tidelity is re- umphant. You owe the French rulers a quired. The several sets of ministers, to grudge and the French people too, for havo whose opinions you have appealed against ings, by their actions as well as their solenn “ the alarmists," all bear witness against declarations, so completely belied your opiyou. In 1801, Lord Sidmouth and his col

nions and predictions ; but, you have pot leagues expressly declared, that they had the courage to acknowledge your error, and made peace" by way of experiment," and you therefore still have an attachment to accompanied this declaration with another, idem, wlule you throw the blame upon the that a large peace establishinent would be powers by whom they were, as you call it, necessáry, in order to keep us upon our aitseked. Your excuse is, that they were guard against probable dangers; which de

compelled to adopt a simple military despoclaration, as you well know, was complained viso in their own defence, forgatting, appaof by Buonaparté. In 1803, the same mi- rently, what is notorious to all the world, nisters declared, that we were at war with Damely, that, it was not 't after they were Buonaparıé, because we could nat live in out of danger, nay, atler they had brought peace with him; and they peatedly stated their enemies to 'ther feet, and trample! their suspicious Pilissults. Ale designs even them under their feet, that they adopted a

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