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cause to be executed without injury to him- a “ galling yoke" that the French submitted self. A defender of Mr. Jefferson says: it to in permitting us to wear the arms and rewas not for America to commence knight | gal title of France; but, he seems to think errant, and contend with France for the in- very little of the yoke, which Napoleon has terests of other neutrals. That was not er. pledged himself to make us wear, and, as a pecled of her, it is true ; but, if she chose preparatory step to which, he was endeaDot to do it; if she chose to acquiesce in the vouring to place us under an interdict. principle of the decree, upon the condition This correspondent charges me with “ that she should be exempted from its irju- gross mistatement of a plain matter of fact;" rious effects, that could be no reason for our and then he states, with truth, perhaps, that exempting her in the execution of any mea- what I said, in page 337, respecting a rise in sure of retaliation, which we might think it the rate of insurance, which would naturally right to adopt. France exempted her upon be occasioned by the Berlin decree, was inthe ground of self-interest; no suci motive correct. My statement related not to “ a could we perceive for an exemption. On plain matter of fact.” It related to what the contrary, we found her as hostile 10- would, in my opinion, naturally be the case; wards us as her means of hostility would al. it was calculated upon “ the danger of caplow her to be. We found her with a non- ture in consequence of the French decree;". importation act, passed in order to punish us but, if the secret understanding between for not giving up to her a right, the exercise France and America was made known in of which was essential to the preservation of, America, then there would, of course, be no not our naval superiority, but of our navy such consequence. This gentleman has, seif,' If America will so act as to make it however, tlinked the matter ; for, though our interest to exempt her from the effect of what he has said may be true, with regard our maritime regulations, we shall then, to ships and cargoes coming from America, doubtless, be ready to exempt her, as France can he prove that it was so with respect to did ; but, until then, I hope we shall not.- ships and cargoes going froin England to No: it was not feeliugs of " contenupt,' America ? If he can show, that the decree that the empty blockade" was calculated had no effect upon the rate of insurance as to inspire. It was feelings of indignation, to such property, I shall think that the merand of just vengeance, not only against chants concerned bad a contempt for the France, but against every power, who, either power of France; but, I shall not, even in by direct or indirect means, gave their sanc- that case, think that we ought to have ex. tion to the abominably insolent principle of empted America from the effects of our the Berlio decree. li was not the loss of commercial regulations, seeing that she had commerce, but the loss of character, which not resisted the principle of the French dewe should have sustained, by leaving that cree, but had tacitly acquiesced in the right sanction unpunished. We were called upon of France, generally speaking, to declare by every motive, which, under such circum- England to be in a state of blockade. stances, ought to animate a nation, to con- The conclusion of the letter of this “ Ame. vince the world, that every state, who dared rican Merchant" contains the following asto insult us, would rue the effects of its con- sertion : “ You conceive yourself to have duct. What resemblance is there, I been personally ill-treated in the United void ask, between the Berlin decree and States, and, it is currently reported, tlat ? the wearing of the title and arms of the you said, to a fellow

-passenger with you kingdom of France, by the king of England? " to England, that you hated the United A title that had been won by our ancestors,

“ States, and that, if ever an opportuwho renily conquered and who really go-1" nity occurred to blow up the fame verned France, and which title was as much v of discord between the two countries, our property as the same of any man is his you would make the most of it."---That property. All the world knew, that it I was most ynjastly and basely treated in the aimed no insult against France; that it was a American States, and by two of the govern mere record, or menorial, of deeds long ments of that country, is a fact pre rý well passed. Can the same be said of a decree, known to every person, who reads or hears which was professedly intended to cut Eng. much about America ; that (with the excepland off from all connection with the rest of tion of the Quakers of Pennsylvania, many the world, until the day, when she would other individuals in that State, and the people submit her neck to the yoke of f'rance. This of New England) I hate the United States American, under the influence of that unna. and all their mean and hypocritical system tural and base partiality, pervading the minds ot' rule, I have a thousand times tleclared in of so many of his countrymen, thinks it was print as well as in conversation, and I have

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further frequently declared, that, if I, or any , respect to America should appear in any other one most dear to me, were destined to lose light), but it can, in nowise, affect the state my or his life in a just war, I knew of no of the case, upon which the two cations are case, in which that life would be lost with in dispute. It was not I who spurred on so little regret, on my part, as in demolish- Mr. Jefferson to demand of England a reing the towns of America and in burying runciation of the right of searching for, sea• their unprincipled inbabitants under the rub- It was not s who inspired America bish. But, that I ever said, that I would with the insolent notion of forcing England avail myself of an opportunity to blow up to renounce this riglit, and to einploy for the

the flame of discord between the two purpose an act of non-importation, passed “ countries," is a falshood; and, if the au- just as a negociation was set on foot, and kept thor of this charge had been any thing, no suspended while it was going on. It was matter what, but an American, by birih or not I who counselled Mr. Jefferson to send adoption, he would not, particularly after back to the king of England a treaty, conthe invitation contaitied in my last Register, cluded and duly signed by the plenipotentiahave been so mean), so detestably cowardly, ries on both sides, and to chalk out the alte. as to bave suffered this charge to come forth rations to be made, exactly in the same way, unsupported by a name.

Those who in which articles of capitulation are returned have thought it worth their while constantly by a besieging general. It was not I who to read this publication, can scarcely fail to puffer this republican sovereign up with the remember what, I think, must convince conceit that he was able to bully the king of then of the falshood of Ibis pretended re- England into a revival of the negociation up. port. Ivany are the occasions, upon which on these dictated alterations of a treaty, for I have thought it rigtit to point out what I which revival, if our ministers had consenied thought likely to secure the good will of to it, they ought to have been harged. It America ; and especially have I recom- was not I who advised the base people of mended the sending of persons of high rank New York to meet in a mob for the purpose as well as character, in the quality of minis- of encouraging an English boat's crew to deters thither. At the making of the peace of sert from their officer, thereby exciting a Amiens I deprecated the idea of “ placing mutiny in the ship, which might have ended the French upon the back of ihe Americans;' in the loss of her and in the inassacre of the and I have uniformly recommended such a othicers, and which, owing to the prudence line of conduct towards Anjerica as would be and courage of those officers, did. end in the likely to prevent a war · between the two ignominious death of several of the men. It countries, though, from the bottom of my was not I who stimulated the officers of the soul, I believe, that such war woul, now at American ships of war, as also the civil makeast, be greatly beneficial to England. -- gistrates, of the town of Norfolk, to inreigle But, cf what consequerice are my feelings, away, and to screen from the power of their my love or my hatred, noy forgiveness or commanders, the seamen of an English ship my revenge, in this discussion? I have asked of war, which was then lying in a state of no man to rely upon my opinions of Arneri- distress. It was not I wlio encouraged the

I have said, this haih she said and this printers of newspapers, in America, to pube hath sbe done. Let my statements be con- lish, just under the eye of the general gotradicted, and proved to be false; or, let the vernment, expressions of joy that the deserfacts themselves be shown to weigh nothing tion from the English ships was going on at against her character ; but, iet no one hope a rate that threatened the speedy annihilation to defend her by alledging that her, accuser of England's naval power. It was not I, is prejudiced.' He who lias been robled and but some fiend, who pushed on those same assaulted has certainly no prejudice in favour printers to publish a proposai for raising, by of the robber, but is as certainly prejudiced public subscription, a fund' ont of which io against him; yer, we never hear this preju- give rewards to such English seinien as dice urged against the credibility of his testi- should desert, and arrive in Ainerica. It mony. Wiw is to complain but those who was not I who instilled into the empuskulis have suffered? Who is to accuse, if those of the Americans at Rochefort to join the are to be silent who have been witiresses of French, in toasting" the liberty of the seas;" the guilt?

--But, after altz supposing nie nor am I to blame that the same was done to have said, that I would avaid myself of any | by the Americans at Petersburgh, who so opportunity that should offer to blow up the cordially united with the vassáls of the Czar, flame of war between the two countries, this the moment the latter became the enemy of may account for the asperity of my language England, and who, upon the same ground, (and I have no desire that my language with would wuite with the devil and his angels. 1


had nothing to do in promoting any of those tary of State asked the French minister for numerous acts of injustice and of insolence, a bribe, and that no impeachment or judicial wirch America has, for the last fifteen years, proceeding was the consequence : when I been committing against England. These say, that the separations of man and wife, are the causes of ill-blood; these are the and that elopements accompanied with robcauses of the present state of things between béry, are so frequent, that the printers of the two countries; these may, possibly, lead news-papers keep, for the purpose of placing to war; but, they are none of them my at the head of advertisements, relating to work. I have, indeed, pomed them out to eloped wives, figures of women in the act of my readers ; I have made ihem known to running off with a buvdle : when I make many persons who never would have beard these assertions, I put it in the power of the of them except in a cursory way; and I friends of America to contradict me; I put have, I hope, contributed my full share to. it in their power to clear up these heavy 'wards exciting, in the minds of the people charges against the morality of that country. of England, that just indignation, which now I say shat the Americans, as a nation, are appears to pervade all ranks of men, at the the most unprincipled people in the whole couduct of both the government and people world ; their friends deny it; but their of America. But, for the friends of Ameri- friends never choose to deny my specific facts; ca to blame me for this, is as absurd as it and, if these facts cannot be denied, my would be for the friends of a thief to blame general assertion will be believed. Upon the lawyers and judges for his being hanged. this subject, I want no credit for impartiality In exposing the culprit to the just vengeance and candour. The Americans, under preof the nation, I have done no more than my tences the most false, by means the most duty; and, if duty happens to coincide with base that ever were employed, by the vilest inclination, I cannot think that that circum- mockery of judicial proceedings, by openly. stance requires any apology; for, if to avowed and boasted-of perjury, robbed me have sustained an injury one's self is of the earnings of my life up to that time, left to disqualify one from speaking one's sen- me to begin anew with a family dependant timents, as to the conduct of the offender, solely upon my exertions, and have since in other cases, he who has a mind to cruelly persecuted several of my friends. rob with impunity bas only to injure every For the sake of these friends more than for inan capable of detecting and exposing him. my own sake I hate the unprincipled nation. -But, I have, I am told, gone beyond | This hatred will never cease, until they do my subject. I have taken occasion to speak me justice, and. therefore, it will end but of the internal goveroment, and of the with my life. Bu', as to the matters in dismorals of the people. True ; but, then, let pute between the two countries, how are it be borne in mind, that this became neces. they at all connected with my private feelsary, when I saw the defenders of America, ings? Were I a minister, indeed, the case with their usual effrontery, holding forth the might be different. Private individual as I United States as the only free and virtuous am, and having no access to any man in country in the world. Character does much, power, except throngh the means of the especially in England. It, therefore, became press, I can have had no hand in producing nie to show, that the government of Ame- those events, upon which I have thought rica is, in fact, one of the very worst in this proper to cumment. In a second leiter world; that there is no such thing as real (received yesterday), the same correspondent liberty in the country; that corruption pre- tells me, that war with America may be rails to an extent heretofore unheard of ; sport to me, but that it will be death to and that the people (with the exceptions many others.” It will not be sport to me ; which I have before marle) are the most for I cannot but deeply lament all the hardprofligately dishonest that I have ever seen, ships which my friends in Pennsylvania will or heard described. These statenients of suffer, and as to the perjured wretches, by inine might be attributed to revenge. Well, whom I was robbed, I have the satisfaction let the making of them be so; but, when I to know, that many of them are already say, ibat a judge was detected, in Philadel- bankrupts, and, in other respects, miseraphia, stealing bank notes out of a till in a ble. But, to whomsoever a war will proshop; was afterwards driven from the bench duce death, the fault rests wish America : by the shopkeeper's holding up and shaking solely with her : she is the aggressor : it is his fist at lim; and that no public proceed- for her to say whether here shall be war or ing, and no public expressions of indigna- peace. She has passed a non-importation tion, were the consequence : when, I say, act to compel us to surrender our right of that it was proved that the American Secre- searching for our own seamen. She has

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passed an act for the openly-avowed purpose | saries and partizans, in every quarter and of forcing us to do that which would, in a corner of the world, would have been such short time, sap the foundation of our naval as the officers of the English navy rever power. This act she keeps in force; and could have borne. In a short time, there yet her interested partizans cry out that we must have been war. The firmness of the are urging on' a war with her. I care, com- ministers, in this respect, is highly praiseparitively, very little about the Orders in

worthy. The letter of Mr. Canning to tbe Council, as far as they relate to Ainerica. American plenipotentiaries clearly shews It is notorious that those Orders were not, that he well knew whom he had to deal and could not be, the cause of the dispute, with; and, I'am persuaded, that, though and the probable cause of war; and yet the it has been loudly censured by Lord Grenpartizans of America keep clamouring against | ville, it will hereafter be regarded as a model that measure, as the sole cause of the war for those English ininisters who shall have that they expect and dread. “As in the to deal with the American States. Here, case of France, so in that of America, I hope, we may say, that we have done to keep clamoring against war, is, in with the Orders in Council, that feriile effect, to call upon England to submit source of parliamentary motions and debates. to the demands of those powers. I have But, I have a word or two to add upon

the several times put to them this question, re- second leier of my correspondent, which garding the dispute with America.

was not received until after the forıner part you advise the ministers to give up to Mr. of this article was written. In my last, I Jefferson the right of search for seamen." bad called upon him for his name, seeing Never can I obrain an answer. They tak that he had charged me with having declar

. vaguely about a conciliating disposition and ed, that I would, when an opportunity oflanguage. They talk about the amount of fered, blow up the fame of discord between exports and imports; but never do they the two countries. His' answer to that call give me an answer. The exports and in- is this : “ You demand my name, but I ports arı, in my opinion, and for the reasons

am disposed to withhold it for the followI have given), of very little consequence to "sing reasons I have stated nothing as the strength and greatness and happiness of fact, but what rests on so firm a basis of England ; but, suppose one half of her • notorious truth, that it cannot be contra. comforts to depend upon them ; nay, sup. “ dicted, nor does it require the sanction of pose the whole of her comforts to be so de.


you are pleased to call a pendent, the case remains the same ; for l'ase impulation," I hve given as a what our enemies, neutral as well as belli- current report only, and have qualified genent, demand of us is, a surrender of the

my remarks on it with an “ if this be sole means of maintaining our independence, irue.” I have not even said this of you, If it be true, as is now reported, that the

“ but to you, giving you the alternative of Americans are disposed to cease their unjust suppression, if you chose it, or of condemands and their hostile conduct, why, " tradiction, if in your power, as I would then, peace with them by all means, and I willingly hope it is. As a man of up, have, for my part, no objection to the grant- rightness, therefore, I do not think I ing of thein commercial advantages, nor “ have taken a step which requires me to go even to a relaxation, with respect to them, forth from that privacy, which my ha in the execution of the Orders in Council ; “ bits and disposition desire, nor am I wil. but, so long as they persevere in showing, “ling to put it in your power to hold me by open acis, their unnatural and base par- up by name to all that observation and tiality towards France, so long as they con- perhaps ridicule, which your talents tinue to make insolent demands upon us, so " know so well how to cast, whether justly long am I for treating them with rigour. or unjustly, upon your opponents." Ve

- If we are to have peace with America, rily a most lame and paltry excuse! A cura however, we shall, I repeat, have the pre- rent report! why, calling it a current report sent ministers to thank for it. Had the constitutes your offence.

If you were 10 conceders remained in power, we must have had war ; for, the Americans, when they ported that he is a thief, you would fird

tell your neighbour, that it is currently re. had gotten from us the right of search for that the subterfuge would not save your ears seamen, would have put forward some new

or your purse, according to the mode of prodemand; and, the insolence of all their secution which he might choose :0 adopt. vile captains (by far the worst of all man- As to the alternative which you left nie, is kind, as far as my observation or hearing has it not evident, that you intended the whole gone), and all their other agents and emis- of your letter for publication ? Is it not

a name.

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evident, that you had, as one of your prin- foulest injustice, and who had the baseness, cipal objects, the intention of causing it to even in what they call their courts of justice, be believed, that I had misrepresented the to express their satisfaction at the prospect case of America, merely from motives of at seeing nie “ blighted with misery, and private revenge, and that I was doing no my children begging their bread.” When more than acting this selfish part in pursui- I left them, I certainly did shake the dust of ance of a pre-conceived and settled design? my shoes; but, the only curse I pronounci Besides, supposing me to have been upon them was this : “ May you have Jefliberty, which I was not, to suppress

"n ferson for a President and Rush for a this part of your letter, and to publish the

" Doctor!" other parts of it, I could not suppress the

LORD WELLESLEY.: -The resolutions, · knowledge of it in my own mind. If I which were moved, in the House of Com

believed you, I must believe one of the five mons, by Lord Folkestone, and the discusgentlemen (for there were no more) who sion upon which terminated on the 15th were my fellow passengers 10 England, to instant, produced, at last, a vote apologizbe a scoundrel; and, was it acting the part ing for his lordship’s conduct ; but, then, of " a man of uprightness" to expose them that vote wis proposed by Sir Join Anstruall to the effects of my suspicions? If, in ther.The charges, preferred against naming five men, I assert that one of them, Lord Wellesley by Mr. Paull, every one without naming him, is a scoundrel, they has read. The proposed resolutions conhave all the same ground of complaint tained the substance of the Oude Charge. against me. You, in effect, nanie all my They were all, except the last, put aside, fellow passengers to me, and then you as- by one of those twin-brothers, Order-ofsert, that one of them, whom you decline the day and Previous-question, which seem to name, has said that, which, if he did say to stick by every succeeding ministry with it, I know 'to be false ; you, therefore, are as much staunchness as Alderman Shaw or guilty of the grossest injustice towards four, Billy Bildwin. The last resolution, which at least, of my felow-passengers, and also alune would have been sufficient for all the towards myself. The truth I believe to be, purposes, which the mover could have had that you never heard such a report as pro- in view, was negutived; and when it ceeding from the source, to winch you pre- had been done, Sir John Ansiruther moved, tend to trace it. That the story has obtain- “ That it appears to this house, that mared currency I have no doubt, nor am I at quis Wellesley, in carrying into execuall surprized that it should. It is so natural “ tion the late arrangements in Oude, was for those wbo cannot answer one, who can- actuated by an ardent zeal for the public not deny the accusations we prefer against “ 'service, and by the desire of providing them, to impute to us morives of spite, like more effectually for the prosperity, the the highwayman in Joe Miller, who threat- “ defence, and the safety of the British ened to swear the peace against the judge, “ territories in India."- --So, Sir John: seeing that he had obviously a design upon calls the taking of a king's dominious away his life. This question respecting Ame- from him an arrangement," does he? rica, Sir, I now regard as settled. I look The word arrangement has this meaning in upon it as certain, that almost the whole of the Oriental Dictionary!--Let no the people of England have now correct no- suppose this to be a triunph to the Wellestions respecting ihe government, the peo. leys, however. The motion was carried, ple, the means pecuniary and military, of of course, by a great majority; but, here the American States; that they are decided- is not a word of approbation; there is not ly of 'opinion, that war with that country is even a word of defence. There is only an preferable to any further concession, of apology, and just such an one as Pitt made whatever nature and however small in for his ardent-minded " friend, the Lord amount; and, to the producing of this state Advocate of Scotland. The ministers would of the public mind, I have the satisfaction go no further; and, the reader may be as. to believe, that I have contributed as much sured, that they were much better pleased as any private individual ever did contribuie with Lord Folkestone's resolutions than towards the producing of any national effect; the opposition were. No, no: they like the a satisfaction, which I am free and forward Marquis very well where he is; but, they do to say, is not at all diminished, but, on the not, I guess, want any of his “ ardent zéal contrary, greatly augmented, by the reflec- in their cabinet. Another question is coming tion, that I have at the same time contribut- on respecting the Nabob of Oude ; and this ed towards humbling the pride of those, the ministers will also like. They will, like who used their power to treat me with the two or three, at least, of such questions,


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