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grandfather

, or a great grandfather, of whose was, that I perpetually reminded them of character or whose deeds, or whose existence the greatness of England, and forewarned at least, he can speak of; not having neither, them of the consequences of provoking her ho desires a country of long standing, to hostility. They knew that I spoke the which he can say he belongs, or from which truth; and it was because they felt the truth,

say

he is descended. Of all the na- that they sought revenge.--America has tural propensities of the human mind no one long been boasting of her population. It is appears to be more general than a veneration probable that she now equals England in that for ancient things. This is a feeling, of respect. But, where is the equality in point which the Americans have been deprived of force? When they used to remind me, They are a nation without forefathers, wish- that, in the course of twenty years, they out renown, and without a history. They should have a population equal to ours, Í have no monument of antiquity, to which always begged them to bear in mind, that to point; no mnemorial of past events a salt.petre and charcoal and sulphur and iron nothing round which to rall; no name,

and brass and flint and wood were very fame, or character to preserve. This, I impotent materials when lying scattered here

think, has been the great cause of that total and there, but, when formed into a cartwant of principle, which, everyone says, ridge and a musquet, they became formida. has been creeping in upon them ever since ble means of either protation or destruction; the commencement of the resolution. They that their nation would still continue to be feel the deprivation of which we have been the scattered materials, and that England, speaking, and, in their invention of a tutela- would continue to be the loadedmusquet. rý saint and the Order of Cincinnati, they They nay now, perhaps, recollect some of have discovered their desire to supply the my sayings; but, I am afraid, the recollection want of what they have lost. But these are will only tend to harden their hearts, and, not miserable inventions. It is a vile mockery having me within the reach of their cowardto see a fraudulent shop-keeper, who took ly revenge, induce them afresh to persecute up arins for the purpose of resişung the first my friends, for which persecution the pub. demands of his creditors, assuming the pame lic distresses will, if their embargo continue, of an old Roman, who, after having saved supply then with pretences in abundance. his country in war, returned again to the GENERAL WHITALOCKE. ---The trial of plough. These tricks do not satisfy even this gentleman has, for nearly three months the Americans themselves. They hate past, been, for the public attention, a fur. England, because she has all her greatness midable rival of the motions for papers and the same as she had before their revolution. of Angelica Catalani. The two former are They hate, in a less degree, the whole of the now at an end ; but Angelica, by her conold nations of the world. They rejoice at tinual refreshers to those wurthy gentlemen, revolution and destruction, wherever it takes who instruct the English people, ihrough place. If their wish were accomplished, the columns of the news-papers, appears to there would be left in existence no establish: be resolved not to let go er hold of the ment of more thau twenty years standing ; ass's ears. The green room tribe bave herethe pride of ancestry, the example of noble tofore been content with puffs in the third deeds, the records of genius, of wisdom, and person, sometimes singular and sometimes of virtue, would all be annihilated. - - The plural; but, Angelica, apparently despising cảuse of their malice towards England lies, This English sleepishness, boldly comes theri, very deep. It is not to be removed ; forward in the first person singular, and and, we have nothing but our pou'er to pro. cl:ps ber name at the bottom of the bille? tect us against the hostility, which will be tins, in which she details to the well-dressed continually therefrom arising. I have often | vulgar, the rise and progress of all Irer

datsaid to them : " You are free, as you say.

reli and all her ailings : it is quite a mercy, “i You boast of your triumph over us. Yo ir that she torbears to go into other particulais. “ happy revolution bas been accomplished. --The Geueral's cral was, I must confess, "You have got from us all you asked for. very little interesting to ne

I was: glad, "You have, you say, reduced us to a little that we did not possess Buenos Ayres, and dation: no.1

That for the reasons, which I stated at the us? why are such pains taken to rear lime; and, though I ivas very sorry for the up your imps of children to curse us; loss of the men, I was not one of those,

why not bestow on us your pity, or, at whe, without any proot; cuncluded that “least, your contemp? They were never the fault was wholly in tliu commander. able to answer me'; and the principal.cause

ase As tg . popular clamour,' } do vút see of their wicked mechinations avainst me, Chat it has had any undui vitect. That the

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popular cry against him was loud and gene- who give the recommendation -- the sal it is certain ; but, so it always is too circular letter, sent, by order of the Duke against a famous robber, or niurderer ; yet, of York to the army, ibe passage which exwe do not conclude that the latter is innocent presses his Majesty's consolation upon reflecfor that reason, nor, that he has, when con ting, that such disgraces as that of Buenos denined, had an unfair trial. The public will, Ayres bave never before happened to his and ought to, think, upon such subjecis , army (or words to that amount) gave me and, it will, of course, express its opinion. great pleasure ; for, some how or oher, ---Tbe chief thing to be noticed, is, the bad, previous to the reading of that letter, deplorable ignorance of the military profes- run in my head, ihat there had been, in sion, which, it has been made to appear, some instances, affairs of nearly the same existed in the army sept on the expedition sort ; and, at the hearing of the intento South America. But, how can it be tion of trying General Whitelocke for otherwise, when we consider the motives, his life, I thought the general might well whence, in general, military oficers are exclaim, in the language of Macbeth, such promoted ? If the same system had pre- things have been done before, and men vailed in the French army, for the last fifteen slept quietly in their beds!" It did seem years, France, instead of being the con- to me, that I had a faint recollection of an queror of Europe, would bave been parcelled affair, which happened while I was from out between the several kings and princes, England, in which a gener1, after having whom that army has dethroned. ---General been beaten in his attempt upon the interior Whitelocke appears to have acted the part of of a country, retreated, with all convenient a conceited man; a man full of himself; a speed, to the spot where he had first landed, man overbearing and vain ; but there is not, and there entered into a capitulation to evas in my opinion, the smallest room for sus

coate the country in so long a time, and to pecting him of any evil intention. That his

give up a great number of prisoners, before sentence is just is pretty evident; there can taken, and elsewbere taken, from the enebe little donbt of his being wholly unfit to my, by wliom he had been beaten. I serve in the army; and, there can be as thought I heard of this; but, the circular little doubt of his being unfit before, as well letter of tbe Duke of York led me to believe, as since, the expedition to South America, that it must have been a lie, invented by

Now that he has failed, the question those sad rognes, the news-paper printers in comes, « who selected him for the service?". America; a belief, in which I was confirmSome say, Mr. Il’indham; others the Duke ed, when I came to reflect, that I never, of York. It is asserted, on one side, that upon the occasion alluded to, heard of any Mr. Windhain forced him upon the Duke, court-martial, or even of any court of isand, on the other side, ihat the Duke quiry; nay, of no blame whatever," in any forced him upon Mr. Windham. Both of the abominable and detestable news-paassertions are, I am well assured, false. pers, who have been so ready to set up a cry Who it was that tirst mentioned bis

upon the present occasion. am not at name, as a fit person for the command, I all sorry, observe, for the sentence apon gehave not heard ; but, I have heard, and neral Whitelocke: I wish, with all my soul, from very good authority, that the appoint- that EVERY one, who has brought disgrace nient was determined on in consequence of upon the army of England, whether through the strongest, recommendations, signed by his cowardice or his stupidity, was...... several of the first officers in the military not hanged, or shot; for no man can help service. This being the fact (and the reader being a coward or a fool; no'man can help, anay rely upon its being so), the army has if such be his weakness, biding his head, nothing to complain of, at any rate; for, if | when another looks him full in the face; no the choice was a bad one, the fault rests | nian can, if he be half au ideot, help dri with the army:--There never wonld bave selling upon his fril) and npon the collar of been any dispute as to this point, had it not his coat; but, any man can help wearing a been for the workings of faction. Those sword and receiving the public money, as a who send out expeditions are by no means asilitary officer, when he ought to be wheel. answerable for the conduct of the officers, ing a barrow, and to become, himself, as To make a good choice is the duty of those soon as convenient, a wheel-barrow full of who choose ; but, ibey must, in most cases, carrion. No, not hanged, or shot; but I be determined by the judgment of others; would have EVERY such man cashiered; and, if an officer prontotoubimself recoin: because, as his ROYAL HIGHNESS THE mended by mennyio

the

DUKE OF YORK says, in his excellent responsibility does mau llie localhose circular letter, the sentence would be la

service,

co

I'TE

ESUS

LEEP

NATIONAL DEFENCE.

“ lasting memorial of the consequences, to territory, and every one to take his appoint" which officers expose theniselves, who, in ed share in the division. But these politi“ the discharge of the important duties con- cians wholly overlooked one material cir“ fided to them, are deficient in that zeal, cumstance. They totally forgot that, when judgment, and personal exertion, which they confederated, France was free: Feeble “ their sovereign and their country have a as was her government, unprepared as were “ right to expect from officers entrusted her people, yet the nation, because of its “ with high commands."

freedom, was radically strong. The conBotley, 31st Niarch, 1808.

federacy called forth this strength. The magnitude of the assault rouzed all the

energies of defence. We know the issue. SIR ;-As the awful day seems fast ap- And we likewise know, that the present proaching when England must be fought for ruler, by the splendour of victories, by on English ground, becomes us to con- quartering his armies on his enemies and sider on what principle we are to build our auxiliaries, and by Aattering the national defence ; that is, whether on that of an vanity, has preserved in full vigour under armed people, or that of a standing army ; his military government, that energy which ory in other words, whether as a nation originated in liberty -Now, Sir, when under a free, or under an arbitrary govern- France turned

upoil

her
pursuers

and huuted ment. In this inquiry, we must guard them in her turn, we see on all occasions against being misled, by a sort of mixture an issue the reverse of that of her own sucof these different systems which there may cessful defence ; and for this plain reason, appear to be in our military establishments. that the invaded nations were not free. We To this end, we have only to distinguish, have seen all these states in succession, with which of the principles the government act their numerous millions of inhabitants, that upon as fundamental and permanent; and might have furnished fighting men enow · which they merely tolerate as collateral and to have trampled their invaders under foot,

subsidiary --The difference between the completely conquered, and the greatest of two systeins may be tolerably well illustrated, them in effect no better now than provinces by what has fallen within our own expe- of the French empire. ' It was not until rience in the last sixteen years.--France afier a contest of fifteen years, that a single when attacked in 1792, had got a single ray of defensive wisdom beamed or rather friend to draw a sword in her behalf; while glinimered on the continent, where the ema confederacy was soon formed against her, peror Alexander was said to have armed whereof

Millions | 000,000 of bis subjects, as a volunteer The Italian States had a population of 13 militia: but the truth is, these were the Austria......

23 slaves of the nobles, and were armed with The Netherlands nearly..

2 the same jealousy, and precisely on the same Holland and certain Gernian States condition, as English ministers' have armed above

7 English volunteers, that is, for the mere Prussia.

8 occasion, and subject to be dissolved again 4. Russia

36 in a moment, by a breath from the lips of 5 And England ...

those ministers --I will not stop to shew

how, in ihis respect, ministers have disMaking an aggregate of...

104 obeyed and betrayed the constitution, but

proceed to remark that the imperial autoThe following States looked on,

crat of all the Russias, with his immense Switzerland with..

2 standing army, his thirty-six millions of subDenmark with.

21 jects, and his six hundred thousand volunSweden with

3 feers, found his throne endangered by a Saxony with.

2
single defeat
the contine of his

dominions; Portugal with

2 which obliged him to sign at Tilsit a disAnd Spain with

U] graceful treaty of peace with his enemy.---

Such are the defensive powers of despotism ! Making another aggregate of 22 --Now, Sir, with all this experience before

our eyes, and with a change of fortune that France from the then recent fall of the hath thrown into the scale of France above oli government, and the tottering infancy

one hundred and eight of the aforesaid milof the new, was, in the imagination of her lions of population, to be added to her own hunters, already divided as a spoil. They original numbers, and altogether forming an fondly thought they had only to enter her aggregate of full one hundred and thirty

15

on

millions, capable of furnishing above twen- tion to have been united with Sweden, proty millions of soldiers ; with all these means, vided the same free form of government I say, at the command of France, we see that was offered to them should have been English statesmen granting £1,200,000 of extended to the Swedes; and if such a reour money to Sweden, to a country, whose formation in his state had been acceded to by Kevenue is perhaps one fifth of our poor's rate, the gallant Gustavus, I cannot see that there " to put in motion and keep on a respect- could have been any difficulty in Zealand able establishment her land forces and part and Norway, containing about a million of of her fieet, particularly her flotilla," for inhabitants, having been added to bis domithe purposes of her defence, and without nions; and the hearts of the whole people bestowing a single thought on the main | being united in the common defence; while, spring of that defence, ineaning the liber- with English assistance, Zealand shond ties of the people. Surely, Sir, greater in- have repelled any attack' that could have sanity than this, never came under the been made upon it by the French. Under coguizance of a Willis or a Monro! By a such circunstauces, and by a training of the vigorous effort, our government possessed whóle people to arms, agreeably to the geitself of the Dauish navy and the Island of nius of every free government, the continent Zealand, which, with Norway, is no mean miglit yet have beholden a spectacle, to portion of the kingdom ; and by certain have put to shame the rest of her degenerate expressions in the northern correspondence sons, and to have covered with infamy those laid before parlianient, it should seem as if of her sovereigos, wbo, rather than gire the king of Sweden was privy to that enter. liberty to their people, have licked the dust prize. I will not now stop to discuss the at the foot of a foreign conqueror. Even morality of that expedition. It seems how- in Gustavus's present situation, his case, if ever pretty generally adınitted, that, bad it le have real wisdom and magnanimity, is been necessary to our own defence, it would not to be despaired of; but it is absurd to have been justifiable Taking it then asso con- suppose, that, if he shall refuse to give his gidered by our ministers, and with the views people freedom, his throne either can, or which they might possibly take of approach- will be defended. If there be an inmensë ing ckinger to England from the Baltic, it disparity of force between him and his ere. veems to me that those ministers did not 2ct mies, there are great advantages in the situaconsistently with their own principles, by al- tion, and cireumstances of his kingdom, lowing the Island of Zealand, which com- With those advantages on his side, and with mands one sideof the Sound, to return again the naval assistance of England, he would into the hands of an exasperated enemy. probably frustrate all attempts at his subjuI am no advocate for tearing a country and 'gation, provided his people had the same its inhabitants by the sword of war from interest as himself in the common défence." one monarch to strengthen the hand of ano- He is doubtless in the crisis of his fate; and ther ; but when, in the course of a war, a it is probable we shall shortly see him, either nation can be emancipated from the govern- a patriot and triumphant hero, or å miserament of a despot, and restored to its antient ble pensioner on the bounty of this country; liberty, such an act of power must always in which latter case we may expect to see command my admiration. Despotism is a both shores of the Sound in possession of perpetual war of the sovereign on his people, Denmark - This consideration revives in and whenever a favourable opportunity, in my mind apprehensions I have long enteró. the course of a war, presents ihe means of tained, and have on more occasions than one emancipation, I think they ought to be formerly intimated; respecting all the powe made use of. If, therefore, when Zealand ers of ihe Baltic being enrolled among the had come under the power of our govern- number of our enemies. Nor'is this apprement, the English commanders had convened hended danger like to come upon us alone, the people, laid before them the model of a in addition to those we had already to enfree government, for themselves and the counter. When the whole coast of contiNorwegians, offering it to their acceptance, nental Europe shall form one uninterrupted subject to sud improvements as they them- | line of hostility, with a sea at each'extremişelyen should suggest; I do not believe those ty into which we cannot eriter, our situation Danes) and Nanwegians would have accused will sequire talents for goæernment and for us of having coined a "new morality," or defence, and virtues for inspiring the people that they would have stigmatized us with with attachment and confidence, which we any opprobrious nataes. As those people have not yet witnessed among any of those must have thought themselves too weak to who are either possessors of, or competitors stand alone, they might have had no objec. for, the power of ruling over us." 'İn 'ainy

individual port that we can blockade, a coop- the functions of his office, and of the course ed-op enemy is kept in a state of torpidity, of transacting diplomatic business at Paris, not favourable to naval improvement; but he must bave very well known that the letter if the Sound and the Dardapelles be once he had received fron M. Decrés did not inshut against us, our enemies will then have validate the obnoxious decree. Is it indeed within those passages extensive seas, which in any way probable that Bonaparte would may be made both nurseries and schools for allow an act of supreme legislation signed very numerous bodies of seamen, where by himself, and destined to controul every they may be trained to naval war in defiance power in Europe, to be explained away by of us. That we can be shut out of the ihe crude and unauthorised opinion of his Dardanelles we know, but whether the minister of marine? But, Sir, indepensame can be done at the entrances into the dent of this general argument, it is well Baltic, when all the shores shall be in the known that the minister of marine is not the hands of an energetic enemy, I will not competent authority from which Mr. Armpretend to decide. But at all events our strong could receive any official communidanger from invasion is rapidly growing to a cation on the subject, and, unless M. Decrés magnitude, not only to demand for the preser- stated himself (which he slid not to be writ vation of our country every hand that can ing by order, and in the name of his inaster, grasp a., weapon; but, a. removal of all his sentiments were no more conclusive than rankling discontents, by an honest and those of any other individeat of whom the

. To American minister . detence reformation is at length trcome as. -In fact

, M. Decres, was well aware of necessary, as arms and ammuj sition. I par- this, and, si the end of his letter, refers ticularly mean that which includes in it every the general for a furtlier and more decisive practicable correction of state abuses and opinion to the minister for foreign affairs. corruptions, namely, a reformation of the

He, of course, did not mean to say that the House of Commons; far more than half the treaty between France and America would seats of which it is universally believed are be violated; but as little does he say that become the private and hereditary, posses the Berlin decree should not be enforced. sions, of those who are collectively called Who was the proper organ through which the Borough Faction. If this be true, the the foreigo ministers resident at Paris were liberty of our country is lost; and if this to communicate with the French govern liberty shall not be speedily restored, there ment-No other than Charles Maurit needs no ghost to tell us, our country cannet Talleyrand, yclep! Prince of Benevento, be defended. If we could suppose our and such was the jealousy of the said prince borough-holding grandees to desire that Na- and bis master, upon this subject that I have poleon should have our country, and his ge- kņown them reprimavd tlie ambassadors of nerals their estates, their present conduct some of their vassal courts for : addressing would be quite consistent. On any other themselves upon occasions of very inferior: supposition, it is inexplicable. But as na- importance to the heads of other departments. tional defence is now a subject much studied, -M. Talleyrand was, as I remember, absent." I trust its true principles will soon be univer- at the time from Paris, but, do you think, sally understood. I remain, Sir, : &c. Sir, that he did not, on natifying his de John CARTWRIGHT, Enfield, 201h March parture to the corps diplomatique, name? 1808.

the person in his office with wborn they wetc.

to communicate in his absence ? Depend ORDERS IN COUNCIL.

upon it that upon that, as upån other occa. '; I am induced by the letter of sions, their communications were to be rean American merchant, which appeared in ceived by the Chef de Bureau in the Rne du the last number of your Register, lo trouble Baeq,to be decided upon by bima orl to be you with a few lines on the point upon which by him forwarded, if the decision was-bee." that writer chiefly, relies for the support of yond his competence, to the+nrinister him. his argument.Tds Sir, and I suspect self. Why they was this

channel, not used, that I know somewhat more of these matters and why was M. Decrés resorted to Mhy, than the American merchant, that the letter Sir, because M. Talleyrănd would either bave which has been so often quoted from ;M. given no answer åt all, and thus have conDecres to Gen, Armstrong is no nulbority attirmed the Adrericans" fants, on heinust have all, for the latter to assume that Ainerican denied the application of the decree to Amer's vessels were to be exempted from the decree rican commerce dpd navigation to twas bei of the 21st Nov. 1806. I say further that, yond the powersofnambiguity devens ofia if Gen. Armstrong knew any thing at all of Talley rád to avoid gisingnin sugh a case as a

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