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be niost-gubservient to the purposes of use. 1. fact, of our being a largely importing.counfulhdsscx Quathis principle it is quite ridicu, a try, base a tendency to counterbalance the lous:to objekto the extension of our piilitary evil, and in any degree to secure us from systent, on the score of us withdrawing the those dangers to which ļ fear we are expopulatiet of she country from productive posed. --Secondly, I will endeavour to trace to uoproductive, induskryt It only wilha out the cause or causes of our present situadrzuis ile popelit from the office of ad- tion, after which will arise the consideration, mitastering to our luxury to the office of ad- whether there exists a possibility of avoiding ministering to our security. The enjoyment those dreadful consequences, with which I of security, is balaucell with the enjoyment think we are threatened.--Could it be of luxurycosthe one clearly outweighis the shewn, that we export provisions to an equal other; and the question is of course decideda extent with our import of them, this would -The sixth chapter treats of taxation, In be one fact, coupterbalanced by another ; the principles of this chapter, he may not be and one, not only consolatory, but perfectly supported by your concurrence, or that of satisfactory. The returns from the Custointhe generality of your readers, The course house, however, prove the contrary. It is of ibig speculations leads biju to give a de- with pleasure, then, that I recollect, there cideda preference to the income tax, though does exist a resource of which the legislature the mudifications which he proposes serve to might avail itself at a moment of dearth, fapaliate,cit not to remove the chief inconve- mine, or any other extreme; one niencies whieb have been alledged against it. which I am aware, should only be resorted

- The next chapter treats of the effects of to, with the greatest reluctance and caution ; taxation on the labouring classes of the com- one that ought to remain unreduced and minity. The author, contends that the unimpaired, until the last moment, until the comforts of the peasantry cannot be perma- most dire and fearful necessity should call nently abudged by, taxation, that a virtual for its being ex: ended or in any way dimiexemption from all taxes is the necessary nished.-Alarnied as I am, for the reasons I privilege of a labourer's, condition, that any stated to you in my former letter, I rejoice, tax imposed upor labourers is in the long that we do possess a large and available grainrun infallibły made up to them by an ad- ery, that there is a consumption of corn, not vance in their wages, and that it is there- strictly necessary to tbe existence of man; fure unwise to hold out the shew of oppres- and to which, in a searon of scarcity we sion to the lower orders of the community, could have recourse. I advert to the corn when every tax which they appear to pay 10 cousumed by the distilleries, by the brewe. governmentaris in fectipaid by their masters ries, and by horses used only for pleasure, If and employers. - He takes occasion when ever the necessity should arise of making use upon this subject to enter into considerable of this resource to apply this luxuriant cona, length opile.compulsory service of govern- sumption of corp, for the necessary sustea ment; and, exposes in the strongest terms nance of man, it should be recollected, that its cruelty, its impolicy, and its injustice.- it will be followed by the discouragement of Hiş last chapter is employed in clearing the farmer. What can be a greater disconaway a number of ditāculiies and objections;| ragenent than the depriving him of such and in his conclusion, he applies the prioci markets, as the distilleries, the breweries, ples of his perfornance to the question of and the maintainence of pleasure hories.-peace or war; he attempts to ascertain how This discouragement will not be felt at she long a country may be able to snaintain å moment, but the evil consequences of it wil warlike system, and avbat is the limit of its be permanent, s'e fear of bad prices, and exertions; and arrives at this consolatory rest inadequate returus for his labour and capital, sults that the country was never at so great at once excited in the mind of the farmer, will distance from behimit of its exertions as all relax, it not destroy ihe spirit and life of en. this moments and never:so prepared to em terprize and exertion; it will cause him 10 bark in a var-urexampled in its magnitude, lessen the sums he had been accustomed to and- indefinite in is duratianipolamspend in agricultural improvement; he will &cWoterapia

manure less; he will be templed to lay to Tognina sm

down his lands in baste, and, therefore, in MR WAKEFIELD's 20. LETTER. an extremely bad state.--These evils will be Suro, Upon the lata, which I think I continued ones; they are such as the legisbavę prekly well established in my former | lature should never create, but when driven letter, I will now proceed 20 copsider, by the necessity of averting the pressure of First. Whether there exist at this moment an evil, so great and so dreadful, as famine. aby circumstances which as opposed to the The demand which a farmer has for corn,

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by reason of the distilleries, the breweries, for a moment think of thus discouraging our and borses kept for pleasure, fortunately agriculture for the sake of any colonial adcounteracts the ruinous effects of the impor- vantage whatever? Shall we permit the cotation of corn. It has been thought, by al- lonies to say to the distiller, and the brewer, most every one a matter of great wisdom, to &c. you shall no longer consume ihe produce appually purchase, or, to speak more cor

of the British soil; but, instead thereof, you rectly, to lay up an income, under the name shall consume the produce of our planaof a Sinking Fund, which supports the na- tions; you shall enliven our enterprize and tional credit, by mens of its reactioni, augment our guins; though at the expence against the millions which are yearly bor- of the mother coontry, and at the hazard of rowed, and added to the national debt. If her suffering from scarcity, dearth, or even this is a wise measure in finance, must not fainine. This would be nothing less than the same policy be good in regard to human giving a preference to present gaill, over fusustenance. Weiinport a given quantity of tore weahli, prosperity, and safety. Howprovisions, this is bad enough in every sense i ever consolatory to the public may be the for the country. In the graiu consunied (as knowledge of this resource, which is a counI have already described in the distilleries, ierbalance to the importation of corn, it is &c. we have a consumption within ourselves accompanied with an anxious conviction of which we can stop), and make as much use the urgency and necessity of preserving and of as if corn was laiil op in a grainery. This securing this resource, with the utmost jeais the only counteraction, of which I know, lousy and caution. It is a fund of subsistagainst the importation of corn; a counter- ence, of which the country will never avail action of the most importance, and in as

itself, but with the greatest circumspection much as the proportion which this internal and reluctance, and only o! the 'ulmost nesuperfluous eonsumption bears to our import cessity. The possession of this tund is not of grain, is larger than the proportion which to be put into comparison with any other the sinking fund bears towards the national public possession whatever; and the greater debt, so much more important, and greater the danger arising from an importation of is the security of the country. I consider subsistence, the greater necessity of watching this as a comparison of which use may be over, and augicensing this only source of fairly made. But, Sir, I cannot leave this reaction. This argument I make use of, part of the subject, without stating in the upon the single ground of feeding ihe irla: stron, est terms the danger there would be to bitants of the United Kingdom. But, if I the country, by the most trilling admission proceed, and consider this ruinous importa. of any thing leading to the conclusion, that iion, and the possessiou of this resource, as any but the people of England should be they affect the wealth, the revenue, and the permitted to consume, much less to expend trade of the kingdom, every argument is the contents of this national grainery ; this į strengthened, every circumstance is rendered resource so truly the property of the public, more impressive and conclusive.--Recolleciwho have made it so, by exciting the British ing the millions of Britis! money, paid in farmer to create this produce by the encou- the course of the last fifty years to foreigu tigerrent which this profitable market has farmers; and feeling that the same produce heid out to hiin, in consequence of which he might have been procured at home by ex. Can supply the public with food, at a price pending these millions in England; I deattainable by all classes of the community. precate the system which has been pursued, The instant the farmer shall be deprived of and I call for the consideration of the public the demand created by the distilleries, &c. on this subject; not alone, upon the ground the com which he has raised for the’of pur- of necessity, but upon that of policy also, 10 poses, will be thrown on the market ru she- guard against a system which if continued, man sustenance ; then the fall of price will will first impoverish, and then starve the depress his enterprize, and damp his exer- country: - -In another letter I will resume tion. The necessary consequence will be, the subject of my first to you.—And am, that bis. produce will shrink in proportion, Sir, yours, &C.--EDWARD WAKEFIELD.. will lessen as his prospects are darkened.

March 24, 1808. This would be the case, even if the people of England themselves wanted, and urged by

CORN IMPORTATIONS. necessity availed themselves of this resource. Sir,

-The letter of Mr. Edward WakeShould ihen any body of men, either in, or field, which appeared in your last Register, out of the kingdom be permitted to glut-and treats of a subject of such extreme impose ruin the m?rket of the British farmer, for tance, that it seems almost to be a duly in purposes of convenience or profit? Shall we cumbent upon every one, who differs trots

him in opinion, to deliver his sentiments. If ther who eats wheaten bread, consumés a the observations I am about to other are, in quarter of wheat a year, we shall have 4 your judgment, worthy of notice, you will millions; in the latter one million to spare, perbaps favour me by inserting them, when I do not take upon me to assert that I am you find it convenient to do so.

You will, exact as to the number of acres employed in doubtless, have perceived that the whole the growth of wiieat, but I am very near the furce of Mr. W 's arguments depends opon a mark. At any rate the number of acres may certain account of exports and imports with be easily known, and pursuing the same which he bas furnislied us, and which, I will mode, as I have done here, the average take for granted is correct. But, Sir, as he quantiiy of wheat may be also known.-professos “ to argut, not for the vanity of vic- The present low price is a sure proof that tory,” but “ to discover tntus, inportant to there is a great abundance in the country. the best interests of our couniry," I am at a And I should be glad to know the quantities toss to conceive why we should have taken exporied and imported during the last two into consideration our exports from 1777 10 years. Perhaps, Mr. Wakefield may inform 1804 only, which year, I believe, is not in: us --I am, Sir, &C.-.-D. H. cluded, whereas in considering our imports, he is very particular in giving us “ the enormdius quantity" imported from 1800 to 1806.

AMERICAN STATES. In the turnier part of his letter he expressly Sir-li was not my intention to troumentions the years 1800 and 1801 as years ble you or the public with any reply to the of dearth, and I am surprised that ibis cir- remarks you were pleased to make on my cumstance should not have appeared to him foriner letters, in your Register of 26th a sufficient reason for exporting so small a

March, for as you pretty nearly gave up the quantity as 5;400 grs. during those and the point, as to the premiums of insurance, and two following years. If his list of exports the whole course of your observations rehad extended to the present time, it is very specting America proved, that you really do probable his alarms might bave abated, and feel towards the United States, all the relave ceased to produce uneasiness in others, seniment that I had heard attributed to you; which, at this time, is certainly desirable ; it seemed to me not very important, to the when clamours and disaffection are attempt- practical result, whether you had used the ed 10 bé raised in different parts of the king- exact words, I was assured you did, and I kom, which his statement has undoubtedly a am too little of a partizan, and too little actendency to increase. The surest way of customed to political controversy, to be discoming to a just conclusion on this subject, posed to continue the strife. -- But the letter appears to me to be this; viz. to ascertain in your Register of the gth iost. under the the average quantity of wheat produced in signature I., co:tains insinuations respecting the country one year with another; which my motives and arguments, of too maliguant ruay be done, I conceive thus : It is gene- a nature to be suffered to remain unanswertally allowed that there are 50 millions of ed. I am told that it would be to libol my acres of land in a state of cultivation, one feelings and principles, were he 1o designate half of which, from the general mode of me as a British American Merchant, and aziculture which is adopted, 3re arable. that I am the prejudiced advocate of AmeriNow, Sir, of this half, again, I presume, it ca and France. If such is to be the language will be readily granted ine that one fourth heid towards an individual, who feels powerpart (I might say one third) is employed in fully conscious that his motives are pure and the growth of wheat. If I am correct so far, uprigbt, even if his opinions are mistaken ;. we bave, every autumn, about 6 millions of if every man, who doubts the wisdom or the acres of wheat to reap, and, reckoning two equity of the decisions of the reigning miqrs. only on each acre, we gather into our nistry, is to be branded as a traitor to his baros the " enormous quantity of 12 millions country, and a retainer of the enemy; then, of qrs." Mr. Wakefield supposes, that the indeed, is the liberty of the press a mockery, portion of the population in Great Britain, then is that best part of our constitution, the which is supported upon wheat, cannot ex- force of public opinion, a perfect pullity, for ceed 8 millions; and, he adds, is seldom no honest man can canvas the justice, or the more than 7. You suppose them to be il policy of our political conduct towards fomillions. In the former case, it it be true, reign nations, without incurring the odium that on an average one individual with ano- of being represented as a traitor. But, I re

Supplement to No. 16, Vol. XI.-Price 10d.

pel your correspondent's insinuations with amongst our policies, one of the 20th Jan, disdain! I am, Sir, an English Ainerican 1807, from Virginia to London at 4 guineas, ; . merchaut, which, anless I am mistaken, is which considering the season of the year, is more ihan he cau say for himself. I love so very little above the peace premiem, that my country, better than I love iny own inte- it is clear the alaim was fast subsiding; and rest; I have children, wiro must stand or I think it will turn out, that the insurana's fall by my country; and it is only because, effected by I. in February, was very early in I have believed her to be doing an injustice that monih. His remark, that premiums to America, which I also believed, and still

kept up in America till April, is, I doubt, believe, was sought to bej tified on grounds

not true; but is only the obvious consé. of misrepresentation; ani, turbermore, quence of the length of time tequired to because I believed our interests as a nation convey intelligence across the Atlantic, would suffer by that injustice, that I endea- Your correspondent lias recapitulated hårvoured to set you 'right on some points, guments, suffer me briefly to recapitulate which appeared to me to have a bearing on my facts.--The Berlin Decrer ua- known the subject. These were my only motives, here in Dei eniber 1800. It was kuou')) and I own that I feel somewhat indignant at bere in January 1807, that the American the foul and base insinuations, which your Minister at Paris; has protestéit against the correspondent I. has thrown out respecting decree, as attecring American commerce, me.-Ny object was truth, and as I am com had been assured it should not be molested. vinced by 1.'s letter, that I have been mis- Premiums of insurance, which unquestione taken in saying that the premiums through ablv rose here greatly in this interval, fe " the year 1807, up to the news of the at

very shorily after Decrésig? letter was heard “ fair of the Chesapeake, were at peace of, to peace rates, and so contivued till 31" rates," it is my duty thus publicly to ad., when the affair by the Chesapeake was mit my mistake; but, at the same time, it known. ---The insidious questions put to is fair I should be allowed to explain how I Buonaparté by the French prize rout, and fell into it. After all, it is little more than his answers to which overturned Decrés's as. the mistake of a month, and does not affect surances, were not put till September, wth the argument; and your correspondent certainly not known here' till October, y should be careful not to fall himself into even before November ;' but I cannot speak mistakes, whilst he accuses me of them. with absolute certainty to this point; Yet, he says, (p. 566) that we heard of the

material thing is, il at our Orders in Council Berlin Decree about the latter end of Juo were is-ued, before it was possible to foot nuary, 1807, when I have before me a Lop- whetlier America' would protest against the don newspaper of December 9, 1806, giving enforcement of the Berlin Decree or not. I the decree at full lergili. This gentleman think this is a fair summary of facts, and if Has thus nade no small mistake in point of it be admitted to be so, i think I have proved tine aj:9; but, as I have no doubt be

my former assertions to be essentiaily true meant to quote correctly from his memo- Had we nor issued these Orders in Council, ry, I accuse bim not of intentional misrepre- | I think America had now beeii at war with sentation, and I only ask the same civiliiy France. If, therefore, to wish we had not for myself. The fact is, faś i bare now as- issucd them, be an offence to my beloved certained the virtual suspension of that de country. I an, indeed, "the most of wriding free as to the Americans, (I meani Décrés's man alive. "On the extracts of lenters from Letter) was know here in the latter end of the continent produced by your correspot. January, 1807: Speaking from memory, I dent I, I will only remark, that they all kad supposed, when I wrote you my first speak in general terms, withont naming better, that this was known here the end of place, or lip; hnu; farther," that I have December, 1806; and 'recollecting, that in neizr tecn able to learn distinctly, int dieta à few days afterwards, premiurns did fall to ship had actually been condensned in France, their usual rates, I inadvertently iised the Spain, or Holland, previous tootit Orders in words through the year 1807," instead of Comcil

. I stated a strip by name, that haul s from the news of Decres's letter to that been distinctly released after caprare and of the affair of the Chesapeake," - The pre- trial, which is rather inore to the point'; mianne your correspondem Ii quotes, are as- I seriously do not think there is any authene suredly highet than peace premiums, though tic advice in Leue 11, of an 'acrual conden not greatly sb, wllenallowaiice is made for the

nation ap to the period I have mentioned.seasun Obtitretarder, kund ihe various quality of I have now done willy you cortekyonlent,

affect the premium. and will take the libérty to say one word to

opinioit, I find you in reply to your questioni, in page 9t,


“ Do you advise ministers to give up to Mr. forward the friendly disposition of America

Jefferson, the right of search for seamen?" towards France, as a reason that we should I do not ; but to abandon a right, and to concede and truckle to his Transatlantic exercise it without wrong, are two different friends ?. He shews the cloven foot more matters. If the Americans insist on the plainly than A. B. of the Morning Chroniunqualified abandonment, I fully agree, tbat cle. He is not a man to be listened to on we are bound to refuse it; but, I have un- this subject, on wbich self interest must naderstood distinctly, that all they desire, is to turally incline him to deprecate a war with have this search so exercised, as to avoid the “ the virtuous young republic," to the gomany acts of oppression, which they say are vernment of which he lias, perhaps, lent his committed under its colour. If I state this money. Few amongst us-who are Britons incorrectly, t 'is not from a desire to mis- at heart as well as by birth, who have not lead; but, because I think it to be the truth, placed our money in the American funds,

I am, Sir, your humble servant,---AN who have resolved to stand by our country to AMERICAN MERCHANT ---New Broad-street, the last, who never basely console ourselves April 11, 1808.

with the idea that should the worst happen, we can then, deserting our native land, fly

to America where we had previously in AMERICAN STATES. Siegel have read with a considerable

sured our welcome ;-— few of us I say, shall degree of attention, all the articles that have feel any regret should Mr. Alexander Bao appeared in your Register on the subject of ring, or even should the late Lord Higli

Chancellor Baron Erskine, of Clackmannau, America, during the last six months. Had your exertions in the cause, and for the ho

know from sad experience the perfidy of

American debtors. "I think it would be atnour of your native country, been confined to this one point, you would even then have

tended with good effect, Mr. Cobbett, if you been intitled to the thanks of every honest

were to consolidate what lias lately appeared and dispassionate man; but, as your merito

in your Weekly Register on the subject of rious labours on this subject, form but a very

America, into a small pamphler. You have small part of your works, this nation, in ny

displayed much acute reasoning, and adopinion, owes you a debt of gratitude very

sanced many stubborn facts, which might rarely due to the conduct of an individual. by this means be more generally diffused In describing the frauds of American debt- throughout the kingdom than they perhaps ors, and the obvious bias which such men as are at present, as many people, from the althe Barings have to sacrifice national honour most universal interest taken in the subject, to private interest, you have made out a very

would read the pamphlet who have not had strong, case in support of your arguments,

an opportunity of seeing the numbers of the against commerce, ihough perhaps you carry

Register, in which the conduct of America your doctrines a little too far. I thiok com

bas been so abły discussed. By inserting

this in some future Number you will oblige, from having been carried to too great an ex

Yours, &c. -ALOERNON. - March 21,

1509. tent, to the prejudice of the more important interests of society; but such is the force of early impressions, and perhaps, you will say,

AMERIOAN PETITIONS. prejudices, that though totally inconnected Sir,When Mr. Baring and his petia with trarle myself, I cannot go quite as far as tioning junio, exclaimed so loudly against you do in reprobating it; but, at the same the intrusion of clerks into the meeting of time, confess that every year's experienze di

American merchants, I guessed (well knowiyinishes my estimation of its importance. ing the character of the faction) that we We live in extraordinary times, Mr. Cob- should find, on inquiry, that a large number bott, so I am not much surprised to find the of their supporters at the meeting wete o philanthropie Mr. Roscoe, indirectly advoca- that description; but, I did not suppose they ting the cause of France ;; or, rather of Bwo- would bare pushed impudence and inconsis. Haparıég: and Mr, Alexander Earing more tency so far, as to have permitted iKose very apenly acting as the advocate of America. | clerks to have signed the petition presented, This man has the effrontery to defend and as the petition of merchants. Yet, Şir, one plead for the Americans, telling us too, that of the first names affixed to the patriotic per they are naturally inclined to the side of litiou from London (patriotic, indeed, if, as France, as long as she is iuterior to as at sea. reported, it is signed chiefly by Americans) Has, commerce so far stupified the under- is that of one Palmer, who though a petistanding, or corrupted the principles of this tioner, and of course incapable b'ylay of politico-mercantile geuileman, that lie brings giving evidence in luis own cause, was one of

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