being "thrown away" For if every spe- | cies of agricultural produce convertible into food, which is consume as a luxury, is to be considered as " thrown away," I accept of the term, and in this sense of it contend, that in order to secure the country from the danger and suffering of a scarcity, it is necessary either to thus annually "throw away" a large quantity of grain, or that we should export to such an extent. Deprive us of the export (whether by impolitic laws or the state of the political world, it matters not) and we must have recourse to the luxurious consumption of grain to secure us from the evils I apprehend. The fallacy upon which you have built your argument, in supposing me to contend that in order to induce the farmers of a nation to grow more corn than is upon an average necessary for the consumption of the nation, a part of what they grow must be annually bought of them for the purpose of being thrown away." Now this, Sir, is not my proposition, I contend, that for a course of years we have not grown corn equal to our consumption; and I contend contrary to your statement, “ that demand does not regulate the production of provisions." But this will require explanation. Let a country in consequence of the demand, grow one fair year with another, to the amount of its physical wants, and have neither export or luxurious consumption to the extent of this growth. Demand will regulate production and no further. For suppose a bad harvest, the demand is the same; but all the demand in the world will not make good the deficiency of the crop. And your fallacy consists in putting the chance of a bad year out of the question, now this chance should be in the question; it should be present to our view, we should never lose sight of it. It is the hinge upon which the argument turns. Instead, therefore, of the alarm being at approaching superabundance of corn, the real alarm which is felt by the country is, that the measure will deprive us of that resource, which in the day of famine and distress (greater far than that of the West Indian planter) will save us, or at least a large portion of the people from starving. For, Sir, from the present state of the continent we cannot import. This, therefore, is our only resource, we have no other, take it away, and the first week of autumn will give the nation dreadful experience of the truth of the arguments I am submitting to you One of two things must follow the adoption of this measure of distilling wholly from sugar. Either this surplus quantity of corn will no longer be grown, or a new population will arise to consume it; which ever

happens the produce will not exceed the demand one fair year with another; and while we cannot import, if we have neither an export to retain, nor a surplus luxurious consumption to convert into food, we are without resource, and exist at the mercy of the seasons. Your idea of the West Indies becoming a market for the export of barley in the shape of pork, is not, I think, tenable; for if the planter has the least shadow of a claim to be relieved from the distress which he now suffers, he surely will have a real one not to be starved. Change the present order of things according to your proposal, with a view to relieve the money distress of the planter, and then on the first scarcity, will you deprive him of his supply of provisions, that supply upon which his very existence depends; this would be affording present aid at the expence of future destruction.-Fully agreeing with you and Mr. Malthus, that

population treads close upon the heels of production," I mean of that production which is consumed as food, I have ever felt anxious to encourage a distribution of some part of such production into channels of luxury, as thereby a demand is created, and a surplus produce gained, which is available at themoment of necessity, and till that perilous. moment arrives, the tariff (if I inay so express myself) of human life, is more high, a greater enjoyment is afforded to the people, and the public prosperity is advanced. Turn however this surplus production into food, population quickly follows; the condition of the people is not bettered, they are exposed to all the chances of bad seasons, and none of the ends of government are obtained; for I shall ever agree with the proposition, that "where a country is so extended and populous, that it can maintain its independence, and secure its prosperity; the further extension of its territory, and the increase of its population become secondary to the moral improvement and individual happiness of its inhabitants "For my opinions concerning inclosures, I must refer you to my last letter, and shall subsequently enlarge upon the subject; but the length at which I have replied to your observations upon my correspon dence with you, oblige me to postpone both that, and the consideration of the corn laws, which I promised.--I am, Sir, &c-EnWARD WAKEFIELD. -Duke Street, Westminster, April 25, 1808.

CORN AGAINST SUGAR.

SIR,-As one of the class whom you have addressed in the provincial and London papers, I am desirous to thank you for devoting a part of your attention, aud of

Distilleries, with very great satisfaction, as they appear to me to contain undeniable truths. But in your statement of the annual importation of grain from the Continent of Europe, for a long series of years back, I think you are rather below the mark, when you make the average only 800,000 quarters, as I have been informed it has amounted to between 12 and 1400,000; however, whatever the quantity may be, we must now consider it out of the market, as we can receive no more from that quarter; and as the annual importation of grain shows very plainly that there is not as much corn grown in this country as is equal to our consumption, there will be a deficiency in the market equal to the amount of the importation. Now, Sir, we all know that the scarcity of any article at market will enhance the price of it, as a glut will reduce it. Is it not, therefore, very plain, that the deficiency I have mentioned must raise the price of corn, and if we should have war with America, the West Indies must be supplied with food from this country, which would increase the deficiency and raise the price still higher. If, therefore, the information which I have received be correct, that 1,200,000 quarters have annually been imported, and we add to that 300,000 more for the supply of the West Indies, it will produce a diminution of the quantity of corn in the market of 1,500,000 quarters; and if you take from the distilleries and throw into the market the quantity they use of 300,000 quarters, still there will be a deficiency of 1,200,000. Now, Mr. Cobbett, the question of real concern to the country ought to be, not whether we shall take the pitiful quantity used by the distilleries and throw into the market, but how so large a deficiency is to be made up? and that appears to me to be a question of every serious import under the present political circumstances of the times. For it after thirty years (for I am told we have been importing corn for so long a period) trial, it has been found, that we do not grow as much corn as we consume, (otherwise the importation would have ceased) our prospect of encreasing our produce so as to be equal to our consumption is rather gloomy; and at any rate, as sesd time is now past, we can look for no increase of produce for the present year. I was therefore astonished to find, by your letter to the Freeholders of Hampshire, that such a thing as a Petition against bringing into the market the trifling quantity of grain used in the distilleries, was likely to be set on foot; and I wish you may be right when, treating on this subject, you state in

to

your Register: "I do not recollect any measure to have been met by so apparent. "ly determined an opposition as this; and, though I am not on the side of the opposers, it does, I must confess, give me some little relief from that disgust which "I have of late experienced, to perceive "that this opposition has nothing to do "with party," because I had imagined that there was not a farmer in Hampshire or any where else, but who would have been satisfied with the rise of price which the deficiency of corn in the market that I have stated, must necessarily produce, without the addition of the trifle that would arise to him from the quantity used in the distilleries, if left to himself, and not urged on by others possessing a factious or party spirit.-It has been alleged, that the distillation of grain ought to be encouraged as a measure stimulating the farmer to sow more lands, and a granary be made use of in case of need. As to the first, let us first of all be convinced that this country can produce as much corn as the population can consume in food (which an experience of 30 years has not been able to do) before we throw away any part of it in making of spirits, which can be made as good, if not better, from sugar, of which we have an overflowing quantity at market; and as to the second, we are precisely in the predicament, when they allow that the grain in the distilleries is to be brought into the market for food, namely, when a scarcity demands it; which, I think, is very appa rently our case at present. I have only one more question to ask you, Mr. Cobbett, when I will not trouble you further at present, and that is, besides the deficiency of grain already mentioned, if there should happen a blight or other injury to the crop now on the ground, where are we to look for a supply of food? or must this country be reduced to a state of famine ?- PROPATRIA. April 28, 1808.

AMERICAN STATES.

Believe me, Mr Cobbett, it is not with out reluctance, I again press myself forward as a correspondent of yours. I do assure you, I would not have attempted a reply to the first letter of the " American Merchant of New Broad Street," had I not considered myself in possession of irresistable facts, to prove the fallacy of his statements. I say, Sir, I would not otherwise have attempted a reply, because I know, and knowing it, will confess, my incapacity to carry on a lettered warfare, where ingenuity of argument is to be the foundation stone-this I candidly admit, but I must in the same breath declare,

American merchant, by telling you that he really is an English American merchant, that he is much mistaken if I can make the same declaration. He is perfectly correct; I cannot designate myself an American merchant, but, I can assert, I am an Englishman, possessing a British heart, and British feelings, and it is that beart and those feelings, that have actuated me in repelling his accusations, as to the injustice of the British Orders in Council. Had I been born, either in Scotland, or Ireland, (the invidious contemptible distinction, I am forced to presume he means to make by using the word English) I can tell him, I should still have viewed his narrow-minded insinuation with the precise same sovereign disdain.-I am, &c. J.London, April 19, 1508.

IRISH TYTHES.

SIR.In your Political Register of the 26th March, ult. I read with infinite plea sure a letter dated Dublin, ascribing to rack rents, and the neglect of and extortion committed by landlords on their tenants, the past and present miseries of this country; be confidently assured, the writer has stated the fact fairly, and that the exceptions to his charge against our Irish squires are so few, as to leave this a general political truth, more capable of ascertainment, and more obvious to an impartial observer, than perhaps, any afforded by the annals of any country, as the cause of discontent and disloyalty. Our poor join their landlords and squires in their outcry against tythes, very naturally; these tythes are in addition to rack rents, and the poor flatter themselves they have found a weak point of attack, and that in all events, by the abolition of tythes much is gained. So far, I concur, and (limiting my reasoning on the tythe system) to the effect it has on the poor, sincerely wish they were abolished, and the clergy of all persuasions paid by the state. But, to say that tythes are the cause of the poverty, the heart breaking poverty, of the Irish cottager, is an absurdity too gross, a falsehood too stupid for the most violent and ignorant of our squires to shew his face to. Not one estated man in Ireland, in one hundred, has any just sense of the implied duty imposed on him as proprietor of land. He looks merely to the number of pounds, shillings, and pence he can extract from his tenantry; he requires neither good farm houses, timber, fencing cr draining. Land contiguous to Dublin, is let at 20 guineas per acre, near most paltry towns from 8

to 12, and all over this unfortunate island, in proportion. The lands of our numerous absentees are let at the most destructively high rents, because they are let by an agent or attorney, who is valued and paid by his employer accordingly, and who makes what representations he pleases. No man ever hears in society, an estated gentleman say," by such or such an event, my estate will be improved, my tenants made comfortable." No! but," I shall have such or such a rise. my estate will be worth so much more, &c."

These facts are disgustingly true and prominent to every human being who is not interested in denying them. I therefore, draw your attention to this most embarras sing political subject, not more on account of its importance than of its difficulty (a legislative interference being nearly impracti cable), in the hope that your mind and some of your labours, may be directed towards it, and that it may become the subject of dis cussion in your Register, and set our fellow subjects in Great Britain to think, and reason, and communicate on this, the real state of Ireland, as deeply connected, nay, embracing their own prosperity and existence. Do not, I implore of you, Sir, and your correspondents, be led away from the conside ration of this subject, by any the most distant idea or apprehension that you are mistaken in the fact. Build upon it, and be assured your foundation is good. Take this for granted; and apply your strong understanding and powers of representation, to draw to it the public attention, and to force our land. ed gentlemen to turn their views inward. If the fact be denied, thousands, tens of thousands will substantiate it, and the very inves tigation will lead to a beneficial result. really think (without overrating the impor tance of my own country) no subject to which your attention in the course of your political life has been turned, is of more im portance than this. You will necessarily among the enlightened and independant English find support and assistance, and gra titude and applause be your reward in—IRE LAND.-April 2, 1808.

COBBETT'S

Parliamentary Debates.

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