And to quote Mr. Hutton once again :

"Surely he is a pathetic figure in the religious history of the nineteenth century-a victim of ecclesiasticism: first repudiating in his Tractarian days the simple Evangelical Protestantism in which he had been born and bred; next repudiating and laughing to scorn the Anglo-Catholicism of which he was himself largely the creator; and finally, as seems not unlikely, himself hereafter repudiated as unsound by the Roman Catholicism to which he clung so tenaciously."

To those who know and love primitive Christianity as recorded in the New Testament the story of Newman is indeed a "tragedy". They will rise from the reading of these volumes with a deeper conviction than ever that only in full and constant adherence to the Apostolic Gospel is to be found the source, sustenance, and safeguard of the life, purity, and progress of the Christian Church.

Toronto.

W. H. GRIFFITH THOMAS.

Churchman, October, 1908, p. 593.

THE HYMNODY OF THE EVANGELICAL

REVIVAL*

I

IN WHITEFIELD'S CIRCLE

The separation on doctrinal grounds of the Wesleys and George Whitefield in 1741 proved to be a permanent division of the XVIIIth century Revival forces into Methodists and Evangelicals. Whitefield, by reason of his flaming zeal and influence over men, must be regarded as the leader on the Calvanistic side, but he had nothing of Wesley's impulse and ability to organize his followers, and indeed no ambition beyond that of preaching the gospel far and wide. Contemporary observers and critics saw no distinction between Methodists and Evangelicals, even regarding Whitefield as the originator and leader of Methodism.1 But by the participants themselves the line of theological demarcation was keenly felt from the beginning; and as the Revival progressed each party tended to develop its peculiar methods and even to make a separate sphere of operations. As the Revival extended into the Church of England, the Evangelical clergy came to resent the imputation of Methodism and to lament its nonconformity to parochial order.2

There was no one on the Evangelical side who shared to the full John Wesley's deep sense of the importance of the Hymn, his delight in Hymn singing, or his skill in administering it as a Christian ordinance; and certainly no one who equalled Charles Wesley in the facility and felicity of his Hymn writing. Nevertheless the Evangelical Revival

* Being the fifth of the lectures upon "The Hymnody of the Englishspeaking Churches", delivered on the L. P. Stone Foundation at Princeton Theological Seminary, in February, 1910. The sixth (and concluding) lecture has already appeared in this REVIEW, Vol. viii (1910), pp. 353-388.

1

So Tindal described Whitefield in his Continuation of Rapin's History of England.

'Cf. J. H. Overton, The Evangelical Revival in the Eighteenth Century, ed. London, 1900, pp. 45 ff.

caught and retained something of the glow of Methodist Song, developed its own Hymn writers, and established the permanent lines of Evangelical Hymnody. Most of all, it exercised an influence on the general extension of Hymn singing more immediate and effective than that of Methodism itself.

3

Whitefield had shared in the use of Hymn singing by the Wesleys as an aid to evangelism. In his early ministry and preaching tours he made use of the metrical Psalms bound up with the Prayer Book, the Psalms and Hymns of Dr. Watts, or the Wesleyan Hymns, as one or the other type happened to be convenient or acceptable. It is not clear that he was a writer of Hymns, but he made some use of manuscript Hymns adapted to special themes or occasions. Like Wesley he encouraged also social Hymn singing as an act of devotion or even as a witness-bearing in unexpected places. The practical influence of Whitefield's preaching, wherever he went, outside of such parish churches as suffered him, was overwhelmingly in favor of the singing of Hymns as distinguished from metrical Psalms. This was not only from the force of his personal example in using Hymns freely, but because the evangelical fervor he aroused demanded an evangelical response from his auditors. His influence in this respect was widespread; and we have already noted its part in bringing about "The Era of Watts" in American Churches.

A number of the preachers associated with Whitefield became themselves Hymn writers. John Cennick, while still assisting him, published his Hymns for the Children of God in the days of their pilgrimage. By J. C. (in 3 parts. London, 1741-42); and Sacred Hymns for the use of Religious Societies. Generally composed in dialogues (Bristol, 1743). Many of these Hymns commended themselves to

See the hymn "for her Ladyship" in The Life and Times of Selina Countess of Huntingdon, ed London, 1844, vol. i, p. 117: and that in L. Tyerman, Life of George Whitefield, London, 1877, vol. ii, p. 241. 'Tyerman, op. cit., vol. i, p. 241.

6

Whitefield, and some are still widely known and sung.5 To the later collection, Joseph Humphreys, a co-worker, contributed six Hymns. Cennick also introduced into some of the societies classes for Hymn singing patterned after the "choirs" of the Moravians, to whom his heart already turned. In 1742 Robert Seagrave published his Hymns for Christian worship: partly composed, and partly collected from various authors (London: 4th ed., 1748); of which 45 were original. The first ("Now may the Spirit's holy Fire") Whitefield afterwards made the opening hymn of his own collection; but only "The Pilgrim's Song" ("Rise my Soul, and stretch thy Wings") can be said to have survived. Seagrave was in Anglican orders, and in his preface denies the divine prescription of Psalm singing. Just at the point of leaving Whitefield for the Moravians William Hammond published his Psalms, Hymns, and Spiritual Songs (London, 1745). His Hymns are of merit, and numerous versions of Latin Hymns anticipated by nearly a century the revival of Protestant interest in Latin Hymnody.

9

Seagrave's book was prepared for his congregation at Loriner's Hall, which he was Sunday evening lecturer for many years, but it was used more widely. It is likely that all these collections had more or less use in the societies, or at the temporary Tabernacle at Moorfields; but when the new Tabernacle was opened in 1753, Whitefield felt that he should have a hymn book of his own. It appeared as Hymns for social worship, collected from various authors, and more particularly design'd for the use of the Tabernacle Congregation, in London. By George Whitefield,

"Among them, "Children of the heav'nly King", "Jesus, my All, to Heav'n is gone", "E'er I sleep, for ev'ry Favour", "We sing to Thee, Thou Son of God" and "Brethren let us join to bless".

8

Among them, "Blessed are the sons of God".

'See Tyerman's Whitefield, vol. ii, p. 148.

Seagrave's Hymns are highly regarded by Josiah Milller, Singers and Songs of the Church, 2nd ed., London, 1869, pp. 152, 153, and have been reprinted by Daniel Sedgwick.

"Awake, and sing the song", and "Lord, we come before Thee now", are arranged from longer Hymns in this book.

A.B., late of Pembroke College, Oxford, and Chaplain to the Rt. Hon. the Countess of Huntingdon. London: printed by William Strahan, and to be sold at the Tabernacle, near Moorfields. M DCC LIII.10

The Countess of Huntington had 'turned Methodist' under the influence of her sister-in-law, Lady Margaret Hastings, who married Benjamin Ingham, one of Wesley's preachers; and became a member of the society meeting in Fetter Lane. She was especially moved by Whitefield's preaching. On his return from America in 1748, she exercised her right as a peeress to appoint him her chaplain, and opener her house in Park Lane that he might preach to semi-weekly gatherings of the aristocracy. She endeavored in vain the next year to reunite the Wesleys and Whitefield, and threw her influence on the side of Whitefield. It was his hope that Lady Huntington would assume charge of the societies he had founded, the management of which interfered with his freedom as an evangelist;11 and it was largely through her encouragement that he undertook to erect the new and larger Tabernacle at Moorfields12 for whose use his hymn book was prepared.

Whitefield's Hymns contained 132 "for public worship"; 38 "for Society and Persons meeting in Christian-Fellowship." It included Hymns by all four of his Hymn writing co-workers; notably of Cennick, the use of whose "Hymns in dialogue" was justified by a reference in the preface to the antiphonal singing of cathedral churches and of the "Celestial Choir". 13. A score of the Hymns of the Wesleys were included, but the Hymns of Watts predominated. Whitefield aimed at a standard of Praise combining the

19The book is described in The Athenaeum for Nov. 14, 1903, as "the excessively rare first edition of Whitefield's 'Hymns" ", and mention made of a copy that "has just changed hands at the price of 2000 guineas". But the 1st ed. is far from being "excessively rare". The copy at the 6th McKee sale in May 1902, brought $4.50: the writer's copy was purchased from an experienced London dealer in 1896 at half a guinea.

"Life and Times of the Countess of Huntingdon, vol. i, pp. 116, 117. Ibid., pp. 202, 203.

12

13 Preface.